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| Castro
in 1961 about the invasion |
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 Castro
reports Las Villas fighting (18-04-1961)
Castro
communiqué announces victory (20-4-1961)
Castro
denounces U.S. Aggression (23-4-1961)
Castro
interrogates invasion prisoners at Havana Sport Palace (27-04-1961) |
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Castro
reports Las Villas fighting (18-04-1961)
(Bulletin Havana Domestic Service
06.00 GMT 18 April 1961)
Warning:
this text is translated by the USA-administration and from USA databases,
recording Cuban radio broadcasts!
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To the Cuban people: The Revolutionary Government announces to the Cuban
people that the armed forces of the revolution continue to struggle
heroically against the enemy forces in the southwest zone of Las Villas
Province, where the mercenaries have landed with imperialist support. In
coming hours details will be given to the people of the successes obtained
by the revolutionary army, the revolutionary air force, and the national
revolutionary militias in the sacred defense of the sovereignty of the
fatherland and the achievements of the revolution. Signed: Fidel Castro,
commander-in-chief, premier of the Revolutionary Government.
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Castro
communiqué announces victory (20-4-1961)
(Bulletin Havana Union Radio
08.45 GMT 20 April 1961)
Warning:
this text is translated by the USA-administration and from USA databases,
recording Cuban radio broadcasts!
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The army of mercenaries has been totally crushed. The
Revolutionary Government of Cuba made public at 02.30 this morning its communiqué
No. 4, which says: "Forces of the revolutionary army and
the national revolutionary militia captured by assault the last positions
of the mercenary invading forces that were occupying national territory.
Playa Giron, which was the last mercenary point, fell at 19.30 yesterday
evening. "The revolution has been victorious, although it paid with a
high number of courageous lives of revolutionary fighters, and faced the
invaders and attacked them incessantly without a single minute of truce,
thereby destroying in less than 72 hours the army the U.S. imperialist
government had organized for many months. "The enemy has suffered a
crushing defeat. Part of the mercenaries tried to leave for abroad in
several ships that were sunk by the revolutionary air force. The rest of
the mercenary forces, after having suffered many killed and wounded,
dispersed completely in a swampy area from which none can possibly escape.
"A large quantity of U.S.-made weapons was captured, including
several heavy Sherman tanks. A complete count of the captured war material
has not yet been made. In coming hours the Revolutionary Government will
give a complete report of the events. "Signed: Fidel Castro Ruz."
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Castro
denounces U.S. Aggression (23-4-1961)
(Speech
by Premier Fidel Castro, Havana Domestic Service in Spanish 18.30 GMT 23
April 1961)
Warning:
this text is translated by the USA-administration and from USA databases,
recording Cuban radio broadcasts!
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| (Summary)
The people know a great deal about the events which have taken place as a
result of our special reports, the newspaper accounts and the
interrogation of prisoners. The people know about the invasion, the
details of its organization, and the way in which it was crushed. We can
give you some general ideas about how their plans developed and how ours
were developed in the zone of operation. In the first place, we had known
for some time that a force was being formed to attack our country. Since
the revolution, we have been living amid a series of threats--all of them
from abroad. But there were differences in our enemies--that is,
imperialism was the only one strong enough to attack. The aggression was
indirect only in regard to the personnel. It was direct aggression in that
it came from camps of the North Americans, that North American equipment
was used, and that it included a convoy by the U.S. Navy and the
participation of the U.S. Air Force. It was a combined thing: they used
mercenaries amply supported by the navy and air force. We were awaiting an
indirect attack. But one type of indirect attack is the type of attack
made against the Arbenz government in Guatemala; it is known that U.S.
aircraft were used against him. We also thought of an indirect attack
utilizing the OAS to launch some type of collective action. And we also
were expecting a direct attack. The United States has always advocated all
three types of action. It began to prepare immediately for direct action.
But it was not able to gather enough support in Latin America for
collective action. The Mexican Government has been very firm against
intervention in Cuba. So have Quadros and Colombia. So the United States
has encountered powerful resistance among the governments and people of
Latin America in seeking to further its desire for collective action in
the OAS. On whom could it count? Only on the most corrupt Latin American
governments. First the United States tried to work with Trujillo, and most
of the Cuban aggression came from the Dominican Republic. Then it tried to
enlist the so-called democratic governments, under the guise of democracy,
when they broke with Trujillo because, they said, he was a dictator. While
the United States was taking action against Trujillo, it was strengthening
its ties with Somoza and Ydigoras, who are typically corrupt, despotic,
and reactionary. Those are the instruments on which the United States can
count. It cannot count on Brazil, Mexico, or any other decent Latin
American country. Its partners in this venture have been the most
reactionary and corrupt governments in Latin America, the governments of
Nicaragua and Guatemala. We have always been in danger of direct
aggression. We have been warning about this in the United Nations: that
they would find a pretext, that they would organize some act of aggression
so that they could intervene. That is why we have followed a cautious
policy in regard to Guantanamo Base. We wish to avoid giving them a
pretext for intervention. We made this known in the United Nations. We
said that we would never want to obtain the base by force, only through
international law, so that we would not provide a pretext for direct
aggression. Danger of World War Our position is that we will fight to the
last man, but we do not want direct aggression. We do not wish to suffer
the destruction that aggression would bring. If the aggression comes, it
will meet the total resistance of our people. The danger of direct
aggression could again gain momentum following this failure. We have said
that imperialism will disappear. We do not wish it to commit suicide; we
want it to die a natural death. If it dies the world will live in peace.
But it will die violently if it begins a world war. If imperialism acts
with a maximum of responsibility it will bring about a war war which it
could survive only a relatively short time. As an economic way of life, it
will have to disappear through historical laws. (Applause) We do not wish
it to commit suicide by attacking us. If they attack us, we would resist
in an unbelievable manner. (Applause) They are the ones who are bringing
the world to the brink of war through their warlike spirit, their own
contradictions, and their economic problems which cause them to provoke a
series of crises in order to maintain their war economy. Their factories
run only when they are building war material. Their regime is marching
toward a crisis. It is not like our economy, which is perfectly planned.
The economy of our country is based on an increase of 10 percent a year,
while in the United States the figure is only two percent. The U.S.
economy is managed in the interest of only a few groups; it is divorced
from the interests of the people. In war they have a cure for their
crises. They have the capacity to do all sorts of things for the benefit
of their people. But their system demands production for war, not peace.
As a result, there is extensive wasting of nature resources. Look at their
military budget. What they could do with this money for schools, industry,
homes. What good it could mean for the world. And that is only part of the
story. Some of their factories are working on a part-time basis. How
different from the Soviet Union, where everyone works! If someone wants to
build a factory in the United States, he does so whether it is needed or
not. This is the result of an unplanned economy. In the United States, war
militarizes the economy. They plan for that. The government does not
permit any monopoly to produce what they want-- they have to produce war
materials. Then the government plans and controls production--they produce
fantastically. In time of war they plan. then all the people work. They
are not capable of solving the problem of unemployment in producing for
peace. Only in time of war can they resolve their economic crisis. That is
why there are groups who wish to go on a war footing, if possible, with
local wars. This has been the American policy after World War Two. With
respect to our country, they have been holding these ideas of aggression.
We have been and are now facing that threat. Concerning the type of
aggression against us: How could they organize a mercenary force against
the united people, against our army and militia? They did not think about
that type of war. They thought of a frontal attack with mercenaries and of
taking over our country. First Step: Economic Aggression The first step
was economic aggression--to weaken the revolution--that is to say, they
attacked on the economic front: they took away our sugar quota. Our
economy was based on one product--the export of sugar-- with one market:
the United States. When Guatemala tried to take over the United Fruit
land, intervention took place immediately. Since the days of Roosevelt,
direct aggression has no longer been used. Instead a puppet is sent. In
Guatemala there is hunger and oppression and a gentleman who dedicates
himself to harboring mercenaries to attack our country. In our country,
when reforms were initiated, a clash resulted with the imperialists of the
United States. Here they had no army directed by their diplomats to turn
against the people. Here the old army had been destroyed and their weapons
left in the hands of the people. The U.S. military mission which had been
here until the fall of Batista--when our troops arrived in Camp Libertad
were still there to see if perhaps they could teach us, too. We told them
to go home. (Laughter) I well recall I told one of them "You taught
Batista and we beat him. We don't wish to be taught by you."
(Laughter and applause). Here they had no military organization to direct,
and they found that the interests of the government were directly opposed
to the military proposals. The Revolutionary Government has an army of the
people. They then began their economic aggression and their harrassment.
They said: Cuba depends on us economically. It is underdeveloped. Any
government from which we take the sugar quota will surely fall. We were
truly underdeveloped and our imports all came from the United States. Our
imports exceeded our exports. We then began a program of economy but not
for the poorer classes. They were not the ones who took trips abroad and
consumed luxuries--I understand that the import of cars alone was 30
million dollars--agricultural machinery was only 5 million. Much land was
not being used. Many lived only during the few months of the harvest the
rest of the time they piled up debts. We began a program of lowering
rents, giving land to cooperatives, investing in programs which would give
work to people. The country was saving money, contrary to what the
imperialists believed. They have a policy of exploitation of the people.
We established a policy of austerity which affected only the social strata
which lived in luxury. For their trips abroad we only allowed them a few
dollars. This austerity campaign did not afflict the people but only the
privileged ones. The revolution imposed a program of austerity for the
luxury- using class and not the people. When they heard of the appointment
of Che to the national banks they waited for the country to fail. This did
not come about. Then, they took another step of aggression, and tried to
leave us without oil. Thanks to our agreement with the USSR, we agreed to
sell the USSR sugar in return for oil. Before that, we had had to pay for
oil with dollars. So then they decided not to refine Soviet oil. That was
because they had control of refining and exploitation of oil in other
countries; it was a real monopoly. When they learned that some oil for
Cuba would come from other sources, they refused to refine it. They
thought if we had anything against them we would be left without oil. But
the refineries were taken over, and the USSR made great efforts to give us
all the oil we needed. We got thought that aggression thanks to the USSR.
We get the oil much more cheaply than from the U.S. monopolies, and we pay
for it in sugar, not dollars. Faced with the revolution's success in
regard to oil, they took another step--cutting us off entirely from the
U.S. market. Aggression like that can be resisted only by a Revolutionary
Government supported by the people. When Cuba sold sugar to the U.S.
market, most of the sugarmills and cane- growing land belonged to North
Americans. The Cuban workers received miserable pay and had employment
only part of the year. There was no profit for our country; the profit was
for the monopolies. When the agarian reform went through and cooperatives
were formed and year-around employment was provided, then our people began
to get profits from our economy. So then the U.S. market was cut off in an
effort to make our people yield. The people responded with determination.
The Soviet Union again, and other socialist countries--even though they
had plenty of sugar production of own-made a great effort and agreed to
buy four million tons of sugar from us so the revolution could withstand
the blow. The OAS, the American system, this hemispheric system the United
States talks about so much, had a clause forbidding economic aggression.
That clause said no country could use economic pressure or aggression to
gain its objectives or influence affairs inside another country. Economic
aggression was banned expressly, and yet our country was brutally attacked
economically. Representatives of Latin American countries met at Costa
Rica, and did not condemn the aggressor; but there was a declaration
against the victim. The powerful country had violated the law against
economic aggression; but when the time came to condemn the shark, the
sardines met and condemned the other sardine. But this sardine was no
longer a sardine. And some people ask why we distrust the OAS. How could
we not distrust the OAS? The other sardines were afraid. We got no
protection from the inter-American system. But, thanks to the USSR, China,
and the other socialist countries, we had the sale of millions of tons of
sugar assured. Our revolution could keep going. Then they forbade the
export of raw materials and parts to us. Almost all equipment for
transportation, construction, and our industries came from the United
States. So we were to be left without raw materials or parts to keep our
machinery in operation. Not content with that, they blocked export of our
molasses. Some U.S. companies had already agreed to buy our molasses, but
by using pressure, they deprived us of millions of dollars we would have
received from that. It was not easy to sell molasses elsewhere. It was one
step after another designed to blockade us, to drive us in a situation in
which we would face shortages. The purpose was to defeat the Revolutionary
Government, which was working for the people, and return to the old system
of corruption, a system under which the monopolies got all types of
concessions and controlled the Cuban economy. U.S. imperialism also used
pressure in other countries to get them to blockade us. In the midst of
all this, the revolution was carrying out educational, reforestation, and
public beach programs, and so forth. Second Step: Terrorism Then they
turned to backing terrorists and saboteurs. A campaign to destroy our
stores and factories began. Now that the people own the installations,
sabotage comes. When the wealthy owned them, there was no sabotage. But
now that people own the establishments, the CIA goes into action. There is
a sabotage campaign. They organize sabotage against our wealth, they burn
cane. They began to send planes over to burn it, but there was so much
scandal that they changed tactics. They began to stir up
counterrevolutionary groups, using formed soldiers, the worst elements.
The worst were those who directed the second Escambray front. they sent
them all kinds of arms. You have seen the display of weapons in the Civil
Plaza. These worms, in a few weeks, got a thousand weapons, while we, in
our battles, had to acquire arms one by one. They sent arms by air, by
sea. And we are [Unreadable text] seizing these arms. Aggression began
economically, with maneuvers in sugar and an economic blockade; then came
sabotage and counterrevolutionary guerrillas. The United States has no
right to meddle in our domestic affairs. We do not speak English and we do
not chew gum. We have a different tradition, a different culture, our own
way of thinking. Our national characteristics are different. We have no
borders with anybody. Our frontiers is the sea, very clearly defined. Only
because it is a big country did the United States take the right to commit
that series of brutalities against Cuba. How can the crooked politicians
and the exploiters have more rights than the people? What right does a
rich country have to impose its yoke on our people? Only because they have
might and no scruples; they do not respect international rules. They
should have been ashamed to be engaged in this battle of Goliath against
David--and to lose it besides. What did we have against their might?
First, we had a sense of dignity and courage. We were not afraid. That is
a big thing. Then, we were determined to resist. No matter what they throw
against us, we will fight. Our men know how to die, and they have shown it
during the past few days. Next Step: Direct Aggression So far they have
gone from aggression to aggression without stopping to think. Only direct
aggression is left. Are we going to be afraid. No. (Applause)
Imperialism's soldiers are blood and flesh too and bullets go through
them. Let them know they will meet with serious resistance. That may be
enough to make them reflect a little. Our people--men, women, and
children--must maintain that spirit. If they have no weapons they can take
the place of somebody who falls. Have no fear; be calm! After all, the
result of aggression against Cuba will be the start of a conflagration of
incalculable consequences, and they will be affected too. It will no
longer be a matter of them having a feast with us. They will get as good
as they give. To resist is to meet the enemy and fight him with whatever
is at hand. To resist is to prepare our spirit, our minds for what comes,
for the bombs they drop, because in such a case they would have
superiority in the air. We would have to dig many trenches to defend
ourselves. They would not have a bomb for each man in a hole. We would
most strongly defend our capital from house to house, as we have said
before, from position to position--above all, without retreat. We would
mine the fields. We would kill whatever parachutists fell in our zone of
control. If they think they can take our territory by surprise, they are
mistaken. They would encounter firm resistance here and would awaken an
unprecedented feeling of solidarity with us throughout the world. The
attack by the mercenaries had demonstrated this. I am certain that such
aggression would be suicide for them. Of that I am completely sure. I am
sure that we would resist in the same spirit as the men who have fallen up
to today. In the fight in the Sierra Maestra and in the fight with the
mercenaries, many of our friends have fallen. They paid their final
tribute. They did their part. We all have the same obligation to act with
that spirit of duty, with that feeling of loyalty. None of us has the
right to save his life. That is to say, that our decision is firm. To
resist regardless of cost, in all ways. That is what we have to do under
the circumstances imposed on us through no fault of ours. We feel proud of
our position. We used to be the last card in the deck, now we are among
the first. Throughout the whole world there are demonstrations in support
of us and against the United States. They are surprised because in less
than 72 hours we have destroyed the invasion which was prepared by the
brains of the Pentagon with all the tactics and preparations of a war. The
leaders of the invasion had great faith in the plans on which the United
States placed its prestige, and out of which they came without prestige.
Their plans were defeated. This they cannot accept. They fell into this
ridiculous situation through their own fault. They cannot stand that
consequence, so now they threaten with direct intervention, because they
could not win. Well, who doubts that if they were capable of making such a
mistake, they may not make a greater mistake? Who doubts that if they were
capable of making this mistake, they will not make another great mistake?
We think that they are capable of making even a greater mistaken which
will cost them not only their prestige, but will cost them their very
existence as well; and no one knows what it may cost the world. The fact
is that it is they who are threatening the entire world. They are the
gangsters who are threatening the world peace, threatening the world with
a war, threatening Cuba with intervention, and threatening Latin America.
What can Latin America say to these threats? What they want is to bring
back the right of intervention. Our duty as a soldier in the trenches is
to defend our country. All our spirit, all our thoughts, all our energy
should be concentrated on this history-making period. We must defend our
country. We defend the peace of the entire world, because our defense of
our country may perhaps make these gentlemen stop and reflect. If they
believe that we will run, they are wrong--nobody ran. Our firm decision is
that before they subdue us, they will have to erase us from the map.
Resistance will be strong in all sectors, in the fields if they take the
cities. Let's see how they take Havana for example. We must look at all
these things objectively because of our experience--we cannot go to sleep
and rest on our laurels, because imperialism has received a rude blow and
it is like an infuriated beast. Let us see if they reconsider, this
gentleman we have there now, let us see how he acts. Kennedy Intensifies
U.S. Aggression We awaited his inauguration to see if he would do
something different. We did not believe that he would continue with the
errors of the previous administration. He himself said: "Let us begin
anew." He did not begin anew; he began as of old. He not only
followed the policy of Eisenhower, but he was even more aggressive against
us. This gentleman has brought this problem on himself, through his lack
of commonsense. He has earned this discredit all by himself. While we
waited for him to show what policy he was going to follow, he increased
the attacks against us. He increased in intensity the aggression against
our country. "Now he must do what he has to do: to recognize his
mistake. What he has to do is to fire Mr. Allen Dulles. Because after a
government has been placed before the world in such a ridiculous position,
as the Yankee intelligence service has placed the U.S. Government, it is
the least he can do now. What he has to do is to fire the chief of the
intelligence service. You know why he should fire him? Well, because he
`shipped' him too." (porque tambien lo embarco--Sp.) (Laughter) What
was one of the most ridiculous things that ever happened in the history of
the United States, and they brought it on themselves. All we did was
defend ourselves. It is clear that to please Mr. Kennedy and Allen Dulles
we could not let ourselves be beaten by mercenaries. What did we do? We
threw them into the ocean. (Laughter) This invasion organized by the
United States was a species of Normandy which did not end in a Dunkirk
because they did not get off the beaches. Return to Trenches That is what
happened and that is why they are now furious and threatening. What are we
going to do before the threats of Mr. Kennedy? Be frightened? No, we
smile, because there are many thousands of men in the trenches with
weapons in their hands. Once again we must take to the trenches. We have
no other alternative--once more we must wait to see what happens in this
crisis. The defense of our country is what I wish to speak of first today.
The expedition should strive to warn us that these people make many
mistakes and that they are capable of committing the greatest
imbecilities. As far as we are concerned, we cannot stop them from
meddling. We do all we can to prevent it by arming ourselves and preparing
for defense so that they may reconsider. But if they make a mistake, we
cannot stop them from making it. Our duty is to maintain our firm position
and be ready to defend ourselves without alarm, without panic, just as our
many comrades went to fight and die. Nobody has the right to preserve his
life. We all have the same obligations. We must keep this thought
ever-present, especially right now when we have just finished a bloody
battle where a great number of friends and brothers of the people have
fallen. Of that we want to speak first. The lackeys that took part in this
Yankee-planned invasion evidently had confidence that the plan would not
fail. They were so confident that they even sent their sons. Now they are
seeking for clemency for the prisoners. Let them have clemency of the
victims of their bombing. Let them cease sending arms to Cuba; arms to
murder and kill, and the send of explosives and incendiaries. Let all this
cease if they wish clemency. Instead of defending the mercenaries, and
there are some who do, they should be defending the victims of aggression.
That is the situation. Invasion Analyzed Let us now analyze the plan of
attack by imperialism against Cuba, and why they landed where they did,
and why they did not land on the other side. In the first place they
exaggerated the number of mercenaries. Instead of four or five thousand
they did not have anywhere near that number. What they landed here was the
group they had in Guatemala. They have another in Caimanera, but it is
smaller and not armed as well. The group that had the most arms, were
better trained, and had air cover, was the Guatemala group. At first it
appeared that the intentions were to take the Isle of Pines, to take it
and free the war criminals imprisoned there and add them to their ranks
and to take a piece of national territory and then give us the problem of
dislodging them. They were to direct their efforts toward gaining a piece
of territory to establish there a provisional government from which to
operate. The establishment of a base on our territory would have given
them a base to bomb our country and would have created a difficult
situation for us. We had to stop this at all costs. The Isle of Pines was
ideal for the establishment of a base on our territory which would open
the road for aid on territory of Cuba and make unnecessary to use of other
countries to launch aggressions. But here is what we did. We filled the
Isle of Pines with tens of batallions of cannon and tanks, we posted a
force in the Isle of Pines that make the Isle of Pines invulnerable. A
huge army would have been needed to attack it. They could not count on
Escambray after it had been cleaned out. Would imperialism land
mercenaries with just one combat force, or would it split its force into
several groups, that was the problem if faced. Would it try to introduce
groups and send them arms from the air, to establish many
counterrevolutionary networks. We took measures to counter multiple
landings, concentrating on logical points, in case they divided force into
many groups. We concentrated especially on places giving access to the
mountains. A few days before the aggression, many U.S. papers carried the
report that imperialism had decided on splitting up the force and opening
different fronts in Cuba. That could be true. It could also be true that
the rumors were intended to throw us off the track. Events later showed
that they had decided to send the whole force together and seize a point
of our territory. Among the rumors in the U.S. press, it was said that it
was risky to send all forces against one point and expose them to a
crushing defeat and strengthening the revolution. If they had split up
their forces in many landings, they could have used it for much
propaganda. A defeat in that case would have been diluted. I believe they
could have chosen either tactic. We trusted that we would defeat them
wherever, they came. For us it would be best if they all came against the
same point but we did not think they would do this. They chose something
that offered more but also was much more risky for morale and prestige.
They should have been worried about the blow to the morale of imperialism
and counterrevolution. For us it was better for them to come in one force,
but we thought they would avoid that mistake. But we were still ready with
adequate force if they all came together. Preparations for Invasion A
series of facts showed that the time was near: statements; formation of
council of worms in exile; the famous White Book from Kennedy. A whole
series of political facts and statements plus the indications in the U.S.
press, including discrepancies about possible tactics. We heard that the
last shipments of arms and men had gone to Guatemala. We increased our
vigilance. On 15 April, because of a report from Oriente, we had not gone
to bed. Everything indicated the attack might come at any minute; we got
news from Oriente that many groups of ships were off Baracoa. Our forces
were put on the alert. It was necessary to be very careful because
American ships often came close to the coast trying to cause trouble. One
American ship without any flag was very close to the coast. It was
detained by our craft. Then U.S. planes came, apparently to provoke an
incident, so our vessel was ordered to let the ship proceed to avoid an
incident. In connection with the mercenary landing, Americans carried out
some ship movements to throw us off the track. The Baracoa battalion was
waiting for a landing so there could be no doubt as to what kind of a ship
it was. But in the end there was no landing at Baracoa. We still did not
know what group of ships that was. It may have been mercenaries who never
landed, it may have been U.S. ships; anyway, nothing happened. We heard
bombs and ack-ack. We saw it was a bombing raid in Ciudad Libertad. We
decided it was definite that the aggression was beginning. We tried to get
in touch with San Antonio to get our planes up and found that a
simultaneous attack was going on there; and Santiago was attacked too. We
had taken measures at the air base. We have few planes and even fewer
pilots. We were taking care of those planes. We wanted to be sure they
would not be destroyed. So our planes were kept scattered. At San Antonio
they managed to destroy one transport plane and one fighter; that was not
much. At (Santiago?) they destroyed one fighter and several civilian
planes. They had hoped to destroy our air force. Imperialist aggressions
are characterized by an attack on aviation to immobilize it. Our force is
small, but we expect to make good use of those few planes and pilots. At
San Antonio the ack-ack reaction was formidable. Planes were driven off
and our planes took off in pursuit of the enemy till he was on way to
Miami. The first step of aggression--to destroy our planes on the
ground--had failed. We reinforced our ack-ack but they did not come back.
They had attacked with six planes. Some did not get back, others were
riddled. Our air force was intact and ready. And our pilots wanted
revenge. That was Saturday. All forces were alerted. Sunday the funeral
services were held, our own planes kept guard. An ammo truck has been set
afire by the attack but the people kept calm. They drove the other trucks
away while the ammo on the first one was exploding. (Applause) Of course
no trucks with ammo should have been there but those things do happen. We
were alert all day Sunday. We slept in the afternoon and not at night. We
figured that the air raid was not just harrassment but had a military
objective, to destroy our air force. Therefore we figured the aggression
would come soon. We reinforced our measures after the air attack. Invasion
Comes Why was this attack made two days early? Tactically speaking it was
an error because we had a chance to take some measures. We mobilized all
combat units. On Sunday nothing happened. On Monday morning at 3:15 I was
informed that fighting was going on at Playa Giron and Playa Larga. We
confirmed this. Then came the report that an invading force was bombing
heavily with bazookas and cannons at the two beaches. There was no doubt
of a landing attempt at that point--one supported by heavy equipment.
Resistance began. Results of the attacks came. The microwave system was
cut off. Communications were then cut off. This was the situation. Here is
Cochino Bay and here is Cienfugeos. There was a Cienfugeos battalion at
the Central Australia. These were the first to meet the aggression. Here
is Playa Larga and here Playa Giron. Here is Zapata Peninsula. This piece
of impassible swamp land was the sole communication available to peasants.
This area bothered the revolution most. (Editor's Note: At this point
Castro discusses for approximately six minutes the Zapata swamp area and
tells what the revolution has done for it and its people, the building of
schools, roads, and medical facilities. He then spends about five minutes
giving in some detail a list of the weapons captured in this area,
apparently reading from a report. Then during a period of bad reception of
approximately 10 minutes, he discusses the invader miscalculations of the
Castro air force and, in some detail, the battle plans and the tactical
situation during the early stages of the invasion. During much of the time
Castro seems to be referring to maps.) That was the plan. They put two
battalions here, and five further back; here were four and six, that was
very early in the morning. Then planes were to drop paratroops. They began
landing very well. But at Playa Larga and Playa Giron they met resistance.
They began losing time. They got two battalions ashore. Paratroops began
operating. As they dropped paratroops at these spots, our troops were
caught between the main force and the paratroops. Our first measures were
to alert all commands and the air force. Orders were given to disperse
planes and have ack-ack ready if an attack was made on the airstrip. We
had planes ready for defense against air attack. The battalion at the
Australia central was ordered to Playa Larga to fight. It was an infantry
battalion recently formed. At the same time an order given to mobilize
Matanzas militia battalion and advance to here. Orders were given to other
forces. We had two battalions in Las Villas. The problem first of all was
to keep a beachhead here. The main thing was to keep a bit of Playa Larga
here, on this side. The Cienfuegos battalion got there before dawn and
began fighting. But then came time another group of our forces was
fighting at Cayo Ramona. The air force was ordered to take before dawn and
attack all ships off Giron and Playa Larga. Our battalion prevented
battalion five from getting ashore. Our planes began attacking the ships
and doing much damage. Meanwhile our battalion was facing strong fire, and
was taken from the rear. It fell back fighting the paratroops. A battalion
was sent from Matanzas to reinforce it. Enemy planes were painted with
revolutionary armed forces insignia. They attacked our advancing troops.
We were most interested in keeping this bit of territory. When we saw
paratroops dropped we realized that the attack would come against a single
point and any other move would be for diversion. Mobilization of two
combat columns of the army was ordered; also of a company of tanks and
anti-tank batteries and mortars. Since they controlled the air, the first
day our forces had to wait till night to advance. Our planes could not
shift from attacking the ships. Our planes continued to attack the ships.
They did wonderful work. Besides attacking the ships, they fought with
enemy planes. But they kept hammering the ships until not much was left of
their fleet. We lost two planes the first morning. Five enemy planes were
downed. Four ships were sunk. That was the first day. They had an
unexpected surprise. They had thought our air force was knocked out, and
so the first day ended. They lost more than half of their ships. Our
pilots acted with special courage. What they did was incredible. The
militia attacked the Playa Larga position. The battalion had only a narrow
road to attack from. On the first day they deployed forces. They were
attacking with planes here, and here. We tried to approach the enemy as
close as possible under B-26 fire. The battle was accompanied by tanks. So
we attacked them all day without respite, fighting constantly. An early
morning tank attack came from the same beach with antiair fire support.
One of our tanks was damaged. An antitank battery hit us and also another
entrenched tank. The goal was to take Playa Larga beach. U.S. Sabre Jets
Involved They then began to flee. Here a tank surrendered. At dawn on 19
April the planes bombed the Australia central. On the 19th we had
antiaircraft in position. This column, when in movement, was attached by
American Sabre planes. They (the invaders--Ed.) had B-26's, not jets.
Then, this column of ours, when it advanced between Playa Larga and Playa
Giron during the afternoon, suffered many casualties under attack of
American Sabres. Those planes were at high altitudes, and on that day when
it was already dusk on the 18th, they attacked our column, with Sabres,
with jet planes, and they caused many casualties in the column. That was
one of the cases in which American planes participated directly. They
attacked the column coming from Playa Larga to Giron. At dawn on 19 April
a plane attacked the Australia central and was downed and then two more
planes. Our planes downed more B-26's. We downed 10 planes during the
entire fighting. On the 19th none of their planes returned and we did not
see the enemy anymore. List of Casualties On 19 April there were losses,
as they were well entrenched. Our people had to fight facing heavy mortar
fire and anti-tank guns. There were 87 dead on our side and 250 wounded.
That means that our combat units paid a high price in lives while they
were on the offensive and that was due to the fact that we were on the
offensive constantly until the last position was taken. It is possible
that the dead on our side will amount to 100. That indicates the heroism
of our troops. They fought constantly without relief against an enemy with
relief and more planes than we had. (Castro confers with one of his aides
on figures--Ed.) An exact figure cannot yet be given on losses because
many of those who came in ships were drowned. According to date here 88.
One cannot count those lost in bombing and sunken ships. This will be
possible only after identification and a check of personnel lost from each
unit. There are some 450 prisoners. We cannot study all data of units and
determine how many men were in ships which were sunk. One cannot give an
exact figure on that. As I said, one of the basic principles of battle was
the courage with which our men fought. It is one thing to defend a
position and another to attack without protection under heavy fire. Of
course, under such circumstances the losses increase. In the future, we
shall be able to have more officers, Battalion chiefs are learning more.
The training of units and officers will be better. All kinds of
personnel--mortar, shell, cannon--will be specialized. The fact have shown
us the necessity of using our knowledge to defend the revolution. The
units have acquired considerable experience. Decorations and Pensions The
government plans to create a decoration--to decorate as "Hero of the
Revolution" those who were outstanding for valor; and another type of
decoration to reward acts of valor in battle. Meanwhile the government
will pass a pension law to give a pension to kin of militia and soldiers
who fell in this fighting. The least the revolution can do for those who
fell is to protect their families who depended on them. This will be done
as soon as the cabinet meets. If our troops had had more experience, we
could have had fewer casualties. When imperialism found what had happened,
it had no army left here. The enemy is still dumbfounded.
Counterrevolutionary Suspects Rounded Up The committees for defense of the
revolution acted too. There was a needed to arrest anybody who for one
reason or another might help the counterrevolution. That kind of measure
always entails some injustice, but that is inevitable. The country faced
aggression and had to take any measure for defense. Those persons will be
released unless there are charges against them other than that they were
considered suspect. Those who have counterrevolutionary activity proven
against them or are well known will continue to be held. Since yesterday,
those arrested as a precaution have started being released. This does not
mean that the danger is past. We think the danger is great, especially of
direct aggression from the United States. At Mesa, Arizona, Senator
Goldwater said he had recommended direct intervention if all else failed.
That is the idea of right that this ultra has. What respect for
sovereignty of other countries and international law! How calmly they
speak of direct military intervention. They respect nothing. And they talk
as if it were so easy. They do not learn. They should think of the sorrow
military aggression causes--and all to restore privileges here. What need
was there to bring this bloodshed to our country? What need to threaten us
with intervention? They are so irresponsible that after causing bloodshed
here, they threaten with more intervention. The reply is our determination
to resist; and if they attack, it will be the end of imperialism. Better
to die than live under the yoke of those gentlemen. First Imperialist
Defeat in America Glorious death fighting to defeat imperialism deserves a
monument. There should be a big monument in Zapata swamps with the names
of the fallen on it, to tell the world that on that day Zapata imperialism
sustained its first great defeat in America. Precious lives were given in
this battle. The militia performed countless feats of prowess. The people
defended their land, honor, rights. They have earned the admiration of the
world and prestige. They waged a battle for peace. Just think, during
these past days the literacy campaign was not halted; the lifestock fair
is opening; the Conrado Benitez literacy brigade is about to set forth.
This work did not stop in the midst of tension. This shows the stuff the
revolution is made of. The comrades who fell saved tens of thousands of
lives. Their service to the nation is incalculable. The pilots who fought
so steadily and eagerly have created the air force. I am sure no air force
ever did before what they have done. We believe 17 April should be made
Cuban revolutionary air force day. Mansfield said the Cuban crisis is very
grave. The Vermont senator said Cuba is a permanent threat to the
hemisphere. If that means they will invade Cuba, nobody here is frightened
at all. We will give them a great reception. The might of an empire cannot
go as far as the dignity of the people. It will collapse when it runs into
the will of the people. Latin American War It is regrettable that U.S.
leaders make so many mistakes, such as this one. Why did the U.S.
Government need to make itself so ridiculous? It calculated a lot but it
calculated badly. In Latin America, there will be war by all who support
our revolution. Latin American forces would have a hard time to protect
U.S. ambassadors. They should reflect on that. It is too bad they are
playing with the idea of attacking us. Such a mistake--nobody knows where
it would end. It is too bad the world has to be exposed to the mistakes of
those men who know nothing about politics. Kennedy's speeches and his
threats are similar to Hitler's. Hitler threatened the small neighboring
countries, and Kennedy is threatening Cuba and is saying that he will
intervene. He says that his patience is coming to an end. Well, what about
our patience, with all the things we have had to endure? In attacking
Cuba, they shall unmask themselves more and arouse more revolutionary
spirit in Latin America and they will only increase their own future
worries. We want them to leave us alone. We want to live in peace with our
revolution without losing any more sons. They should stop supplying the
counterrevolutionaries with weapons. We will simply have to use a heavy
hand. (Applause) The imperialist powers use the method of surprise
attacks, the same method of Hitler and Mussolini. We wish they would
reconsider things, take a cold or a hot shower, anything. Let humanity,
let history, end a system which is outdated now. Imperialism must pass
just as feudalism did, just as slavery did. The wars of 1914 and 1940's
were bad. Nazism didn't save itself. The forces in the world in favor of
peace are great. They know history is with them. They need not fight
against history to preserve their system and privileges. It will be a
sorry day for the world if those gentlemen are not able to reconsider.
This is the question we must consider quietly. Cuba is part of the world
today and there can be no discussion with Cuba that do not effect the
world. (Applause) We shall keep all the revolutionary forces mobilized and
we shall plan for the May Day celebrations and we shall work for the
victory of the revolution. We shall prepare ourselves to make the
necessary sacrifices. The people have tasted victory. Victory is based
upon sacrifices, on the basis of the 87 who died to guarantee the future
of the country. They sacrificed themselves for the rest, for the
independence and sovereignty of the nation and to obtain a better nation.
This joy of today we owe it to those who fell and we hope that the future
generations will enjoy their lives for today's sacrifices. The first
prisoner, (Anzon Bayon?) said he was in training for two months in
Guatemala under American instructors and then went to Nicaragua but was
there only one day. He said that the situation in Cuba was pictured as
intolerable. The second prisoner, whose name was not heard, said he was
trained at the Helvetia Ranch in Guatemala, that he saw the Guatemalan
minister of war at the Retalhuleu base in November and that President
Ydigoras visited the camp in December. When asked if he had joined or
enlisted in Miami, he replied, "In Mexico." Questioned about the
nationality of two destroyers which the prisoner said served as an escort,
he replied; "They came in the area of the straits between Caiman
Grande and Jamaica. I could see in the distance that two destroyers
escorted us. I could see the number on one of them that came more to the
North. The number was 507." Question: "Did you understand what I
asked about the destroyer?" Answer: "It was of North American
nationality. The destroyer accompanied us from Caiman strait and Jamaica
up to very near the Playa Giron." Question: "What idea did you
and those who were with you have about the Cuban situation?" Answer:
"Our ideas were principally from information media we had from
(here?). We had bulletin board notices at the brigade headquarters, a
series of notes headed News about Cuba: That the militia was discontented;
that there was friction between the army and the militia, very great
friction--I do not have to tell you that that was not true; that the
people were discontented with the government, with the economic
measures--the propaganda was constant. |
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Castro
interrogates invasion prisoners at Havana Sport Palace (27-04-1961)
(Havana
Domestic Service)
Warning:
this text is translated by the USA-administration and from USA databases,
recording Cuban radio broadcasts!
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| (Editor's Note) Premier
Fidel Castro personally interrogated a large group of prisoners assembled
at the Havana sports palace. The interrogation was broadcast by Havana
Domestic Service at 04.48 GMT 27 April 1961. During the course of the
questioning, Castro reminded the prisoners that the prisoners whom the
Batista forces had captured from the Granma (Castro's invasion
vessel--Ed.) had been killed. A prisoner said that the invaders had come
because they thought they had good reason. They had come to fight
communism. They lost, he added, and were ready to "accept the
consequences." Castro then declared that many of the prisoners had
thought they would be killed but they had not and asked: "How many of
the things you expected have not come true?" "This
gentleman," he said, "is the first prisoner in the world who
gets a chance to debate with the leader of the nation he came to
invade." The prisoner recalled that Castro has always said that one
must struggle [Unreadable text] what one believes. Castro replied that
much of what the prisoner believed had not been true. In a series of
questions and answers he elicited the admission that the prisoner had
believed the liberation air force would be successful in their bombing
operations and that the Cuban air force would defect. These things, he
said, were not true. Castro referred to previous interrogations and
prisoners, dwelling upon one who had been "a wealthy heir" and
had lived off the labor of others. This one claimed to favor the third
position. He said he was a nationalist when actually he was one whose
nationalism consisted of "promoting semi-colonialism that has reformed
with Washington's permission" and whose third position was that of
"joining the Pentagon and the Yankee Central Intelligence Agency in
the name of anticommunism." Why, he asked, had they not aided in the
struggle against Batista? Why had the United States sent aid to Batista
during revolution? "Perhaps," he concluded, "if you had
sense you would have suspected the truth." A prisoner said they had
been told they were mercenaries and had come to fight the people and that
this was not true. He said he spoke for a large group who did not want
dictatorial government and they had not come "to fight women."
Castro asked if anyone had called them "thugs" and if they had
not been given proper respect. He asked if the prisoner had expected the
people to be awaiting him as a liberator and asserted that if the people
had been awaiting liberators matters would not have turned out as they
had. The prisoner answered that they would have been made to come to fight
the people. Castro upraided him for his "costly mistake" which
had spilled so much blood, "both yours and ours." "After
that can you be angry with our people?" He asked. "Are you still
not capable of anger against those who fooled you and were responsible for
those lives?" A prisoner said that there "are many like us in
Miami" who had been "misled about the situation" and that,
while they were indignant over the deception, they did not expect any aid
from the United States. Another said he had to leave Cuba because there
had been no work. Castro asked if there had been racial discrimination in
Cuba and received a reply in the affirmative. Why, then, he asked, had
they not fought for the rights of the men who had been discriminated
again. He said a Negro or a public works laborer had not been able to join
the navy club, the one because of his color, and the other because it cost
five pesos to join. Then, apparently addressing prisoners of humble
origin, he charge: "Your could not bathe in the sea but you could
fight against the revolution." The prisoner answered that he had
"not come to bathe in the sea" but had come to see his family
and any man would do all he could to see his family. Castro said that from
Key West to Cayo Largo was a long way and the revolution had been
considerably less trouble. He said the army was now being employed to
build schools and asked if the prisoners knew that in Oriente a school
city for 20,000 children was being built. He called for a show of hands
and when some prisoners raised their hands to indicate they had known this
he asked if they thought children were being taught "just to fight
the revolution." He recalled the corruption of military service under
former governments and declared that it was absurd for the invaders to
think that a government which could arm thousands of soldiers and
militiamen with confidence would fear an invasion. He asked the prisoners
if they knew that Artime had joined the revolution on the last day and had
never fired a shot and that those who came on the Granma numbered only 12
after their landing and this number grew to 20,000. To a query as to
whether his government was communist, Castro answered, "What if it
is?" and said the United States had no right to impose any type of
government. If the Cuban people want a communist government, who had the
right to prevent it? At about 0608 GMT there appeared to be a disturbance
in the crowd apparently cause by a shot being fired. Castro, after a few
moments of confusion, advised the crowd at the stadium not to get nervous
"about a few shots." He assured them that they had been caused
by the accidental discharge of a weapon. After this he discoursed for some
time on the benefits of the revolution. A prisoner demanded to know why
Castro's regime was not democratic. "Who told you this is not a
democracy?" he answered. He claimed that the leaders of the
revolution had never attempted to use their positions to amass wealth and
said "the Yankees" had not attempted to buy them because it was
known they could not be bought nor could they be intimidated by force. The
prisoners appeared to think his question had not been answered and
insisted: "I asked about democracy." Castor asked how the
peasants lived under past governments. The prisoner replied that their
wages had been low. He said his own life had been hard. "When the
peasant went to vote," asked Castro, "did he know what he would
vote for?" "His vote was bought," said the prisoner and
agreed with Castro that this peasant voter would have required a
recommendation for admittance to a hospital. Castro then compared the
peasant's lack of right in the old order to his status in the revolution.
A prisoner complained that he had been cook on a ship and had been force
to join the invasion because none of the crew of the ship had wanted to
leave it at Nicaragua. Castro asked for his crewmates among the prisoners
to say whether or not this were true and there appeared to be some
affirmative replies. "That," he said, "is the beauty of
free enterprise. That is the way they do things." A prisoner claimed
he had been threatened with death if he did not come. He had only come to
save his life. Another said the same had been true for him. Castro seemed
to ignore them and returned to the matter of the ship. "How much is
the ship worth?" he asked. "Four hundred thousand dollars"
he was told. He was also told that Garcia had rented the ship and that the
United States would pay for its loss. Castro asked the prisoners if they
knew that the United States had organized the invasion, then read excerpts
from TIME magazine and the New York POST. These things, he said, were not
said by a Cuban paper but by TIME and the New York POST. He asked the
prisoners if they believed they could leave the stadium without an escort,
and whether or not they were ashamed that the members of the council had
been merely puppets. He asked them to remember how different had been the
struggle of his small group of men who had faith in the people, who knew
they defended a just cause. "Are you not indignant that they admit
now that the CIA organized this expedition and that Kennedy gave the order
and that the leaders of the invasion did not even know when their sons
were coming?" he asked. He said that on 18 April a squadron of Saber
"attacked our column" and this had been an act of piracy. Our
planes took to the air, he continued. Radio Swan said they were MIG's but
this was not true. You saw them and you know they were Sea Furies and
another type of plane Batista had here. The attack plan was not foolish
but it failed. We took precautions. They were fooled by miscalculations.
You were fighting against men who knew how to fight. We will defend the
achievements of the revolution. Then Castro turned to a cable which, he
said, he had not read to them yet and proceeded to read it. It was the
U.S. note asking for support for an invasion of Cuba through the OAS. He
asked the prisoners what they thought of it. There was some indistinct
shouting following this query. I know if the Americans come, he said,
there will be some who will run to join them. What is your attitude
concerning an invasion by the United States? I think that most would fight
in favor of Cuba, declared one prisoner. The microphone was then passed
among the prisoners and each made some statement like: "We will fight
not to save the regime or our lives but because this is a matter that
should be solved by Cubans" or "we would take up arms."
"If this should happen," asked a prisoner, "would the
people let us fight alongside them?" Castro replied that it would be
difficult to say but that the people would know if their attitude was
sincere. He promised to go to the people to find out what the punishment
for the prisoners should be. However, "even knowing that the people
want the execution of all invaders" he said he would
"nevertheless tell the people that it would lessen our victory after
having won with courage. It would be easy to execute you but it would only
lessen our victory. The least guilty would pay for the most guilty."
He then delivered a speech on the supreme authority of the Cuban people
concluding with: I ask you if any of the great Yankee democrats would
deign to speak with any prisoner or representative of the people. Ask the
victims of persecutions. Ask them if they can talk to Mr. Kennedy. I give
you the rostrum so you can tell them over there, Mr. Kennedy, what you
think of what has happened. Remember that for every rifle there are three
men begging to use it.
The broadcast ended at 08.12 GMT after a few more
prisoners had declared they would fight for Cuba if it should be invaded.
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Republic of Cuba
