|
|
|
Playa
Giron 1971
|
|
|
|
Speech by Prime Minister Fidel Castro Ruz at
ceremonies marking the 10th anniversary of the Bay of Pigs victory at
Havana's Cuban Workers Central Organization theater.
(Source: Havana Domestic Radio and Television Services in Spanish,
recorded: April 20, 1971, by Foreign Broadcast Information Service
(FBIS),
USA, remarks in the text are from the USA-administration)
Warning:
this text is translated by the USA-administration and from USA
databases, recording Cuban radio broadcasts!
|
Distinguished visitors, relatives of comrades killed in Giron, comrades:
Comrade Volodia Teitelboim, a veteran revolutionary fighter from Chile who
has participated in many events in solidarity with our country, expressed
his desire to humbly participate in this ceremony. Of course, how can such
a participation possibly by something humble? It has great meaning and is
a message of deep significance for us--the presence, after 10
anniversaries, of the delegation of a revolutionary people that are on the
path of revolution, and whose present leaders are guided by the same
principles and the same doctrine that we are. Naturally, in each case it
is applied in accordance with the concrete conditions of each nation. It
is a fact that for us it is of great significance. For all of us his
remarks have been most impressive and they give us deep satisfaction. It
also makes this 10th anniversary more impressive. With this simple but
combative ceremony we have commemorated those events. The Giron battles
constitute an episode whose historical significance we did not even grasp
in its entirety at the time. Our combatants simply went out to face the
enemy with courage and they fulfilled their duty. They did not go out
there to write another page for the history book. However, not realizing
what they were doing, they really did write a page in the history book.
This event has been singled out all over the world. Even during the past
few days the newspapers from all over the world have recalled this date.
The defeat of the mercenary invasion at Giron caused a great trauma even
in the United States. We are reading a wire item in connection with the
date from an American new agency which reflects the impact of that defeat
on imperialism. In this analysis datelined Washington--the ASSOCIATED
PRESS--it states: One of the darkest hours in the history of U.S. foreign
policy occurred prior to sunset on a day like today 10 years ago in the
swampy beaches of southern Las Villas Province, Cuba. The southern coast
of Cuba was the scene of a landing of about 1,500 Cuban exiles, trained
and equipped by the Central Intelligence Agency in order to end the
leftist regime of Fidel Castro. That was the aborted invasion of the Bay
of Pigs, whose 10th anniversary went unnoticed today by the large American
public. If we look at the invasion in retrospect, it was one of the most
self-defeating events in the 195 years of U.S. history. The Bay of Pigs
invasion was followed by profound reactions. The very first one was the
worsening of relations between the United States and the rest of Latin
America. Following the first days of the invasion there were anti-American
demonstrations in Buenos Aires, Bogota, Mexico, Caracas, Montevideo, and
Santiago de Chile. One month after the invasion, Kennedy, deeply concerned
with the loss of prestige, urged Congress to approve 25 billion dollars
over a period of 10 years in order to land U.S. astronauts on the moon.
Congress rapidly approved the program with very few opposing votes.
Another theory that prevails in Washington is that the Bay of Pigs failure
forced President Kennedy to send additional U.S. troops to Indochina.
According to this theory, after the Cuban disaster, Kennedy was of the
opinion that it was essentially necessary for the United States to
demonstrate its power elsewhere in the world in order to maintain its
prestige as a great power, and to avoid the charges of the opposition
party, the Republican Party, of having followed a policy of appeasement
with the communists. When the South Vietnamese Government was threatened
by an internal rebellion supported by the communists from North Vietnam,
Kennedy had already sent some military advisers to aid in checking the
communist party. But more than a year after the Bay of Pigs, when Kennedy
died, the military troops in Vietnam had increased to 16,000. It was the
beginning of a participation that would be increased to more than 525,000
troops after 4 years. Whether there is any direct connection between the
Bay of Pigs failure and U.S. participation in the Vietnamese conflict will
be the subject of debate for historians. We do not really believe that the
U.S. imperialist aggression in Vietnam has any connection with the Bay of
Pigs defeat. U.S. participation, U.S. aggression in Indochina is part of
the well-known role of the international policeman and repressor of
revolutionary movements throughout the world. But this goes to prove the
state of mind and the profound impact caused by the Bay of Pigs defeat on
the imperialist U.S. Government. Of course, the struggle of the Vietnamese
people surpasses in merit and heroism anything known up to this date. The
theory is false. This theory pointed out by the wire is false. If they
went to Vietnam to make up for the loss of Giron, they have suffered many
defeats in Vietnam--greater than the one at Giron. [applause] Their last
beating on Laos' Highway 9 has been a Giron-and-a-half of a beating; it
has been a new Dien Bien Phu, for the puppets and their Yankee advisers
certainly received a crushing and humiliating defeat there. There is a
Mexican magazine--SIEMPRE--which has a cover on the Laos battles in which
a North American helicopter is shown at an altitude of some 100 meters
with a daisy chain of puppet soldiers hanging from the helicopter and
hundreds of hands trying to grab hold of the helicopter. Really, that
became a desperate and shameful rout. Thus, imperialism in its role of
policeman has lately been suffering defeat after defeat which have
gradually been weakening it and blunting its aggressive claws. The Playa
Giron defeat is significant in that it takes place in Latin America, that
it was what has come to be called the first victory against imperialism--I
mean, the first defeat of imperialism in America. This refers to the
countless times that the imperialists have intervened in Latin America,
plundered Latin American nations of extensive lands, meddled in their
domestic policy, as they often did in our country, and as they often did
in Santo Domingo, Mexico, Nicaragua, and many other nations. As usual,
they would strut victoriously through our countries, just as they had
always managed to impose their policy with impunity. It had not been too
long since the CIA's participation in Guatemala when it destroyed, in a
similar process, the democratic and progressive Government of Guatemala.
Of course, the significance in question increased to the degree that the
Cuban revolution had a much more radical and decisive nature. Today it was
recalled how on that 16 April, the socialist nature of our revolution was
proclaimed. Of course a proclamation did not give it this nature; it was
given this nature by revolutionary measures, by the revolutionary laws of
every order--beginning, naturally, with the agrarian reform law and all
the measures that fostered a radical change of the economic and social
structures of our country. This is perfectly understandable for we were in
the middle of the battle. We were brazenly attacked in simultaneous air
raids of our airfields in order to destroy our few old planes. Aggression
had been launched, combat had begun. And when the hour of aggression
comes, and when the hour of combat comes, that is the time when your flags
must be held higher! [applause] We had to hold the revolutionary flag
higher than ever in the face of the brazen and cowardly enemy who attacked
us, in the face of the most powerful imperialist government that prepared
the invasion. Therefore our troops went to Giron not only to defend the
nation's sovereignty, not only the sacred soil of the fatherland, not only
to defend their interests, the interests of our workers and peasants, but
they also went to defend their ideas and their clearly defined socialist
process. The imperialists used to point out and say that the Cuban
revolution was betrayed. Of course, this was said from their point of
view, of what a revolution was to the imperialists; in other words, the
revolution of the bourgeois, the revolution of the exploiters, the
revolution of the defenders of the imperialists who could only make
"revolution" in quotation marks. The Cuban revolution began more
than a hundred years ago. At every period and moment it stood for a line,
for a goal, for an objective. In the first phase it was independence. But
our revolution was already anti-imperialist. And our revolution became
ever-increasingly radicalized since the first ideas of the 1868
insurgents. A long time had transpired since Marti's ideas. Even in the
first phases of that struggle, the revolutionaries in those times saw the
role the United States had played for certainly a long period in world
history--the land where the pilgrims went, the land where one of the first
liberal contemporary revolutions was carried out, the land which certainly
for a long time served as a model for other nations. So much was this the
case that even in that period of '68 there were some insurgent Cubans who
talked about annexationism--some of them--yet the revolution became more
radicalized. Those ideas were swept away and utterly forgotten, discarded
completely and by '95, the process that had been radicalized by the
participation of the most humble of our populace, of the liberated slaves,
under a leadership that had in fact come from the most humble classes of
the people, became more radicalized. Who can forget Maceo's words when he
said: "Whoever tries to seize Cuba shall reap the dust of her soil
soaked in blood, unless he first perishes in the fight." [applause]
And when Marti spoke with more freedom than ever, when he simply wrote
everything he had inside of him, in that letter to his Dominican friend he
stated with unquestionable clarity: The happiness I feel when I go into
action, the readiness to sacrifice my life for the fatherland and to
fulfill that basic duty--through the independence of Cuba--of trying to
stop the United States from extending throughout the Antilles and using
its force to keep attacking other American nations. He immediately added
that all he had done up to that day and would do, was based on that
reasoning. Marti himself had also said that he wanted to share his life
with the poor people of the world. Marti admired Karl Marx because he
sided with the poor people. Cuba was already developing a revolutionary
way of thinking. The Cubans were unable to attain the goals of full
independence. The cruel history is well-known. They were unable to see the
Cuban mambises enter Santiago de Cuba. They were unable to control the
government of their country, to grasp the history of the Platt Amendment,
the history of Guantanamo Base, the history of imposed governments, the
history of humiliating concessions, as well as the plundering and fleecing
of our economy, the history of corrupted governments, the history of
continuous direct and indirect interventions in our country, the
falsification of history, that indoctrination which started from
childhood--showing the Yankees as liberators of the fatherland, the kind
liberators of the fatherland--that indoctrination similar to the one they
carried our in Puerto Rico in order to crush the movement for
independence, in order to crush the national values of that people; as
Marti said, also in reference to Cuba: they both were the wings of one
bird. Nobody should forget that Marti began his struggle for independence,
and in the proclamation, Marti, Maceo, and the rest of the liberators were
all fighting for Cuba's and Puerto Rico's independence. The United States
practically tried to do something similar to our country. But when the
revolution started, at this stage the aspirations and goals of our people
necessarily had to be greater than the aspirations they could have had in
1878, and even greater than in 1895, greater than those of 1933. Of
course, they were as great as the needs of a country according to the
conditions and the times. The imperialists submitted their false theories
which were a result of their frustration. What could they say when after
the air raid and when the invading hordes supported by them were
approaching our land, the socialist nature of our revolution was clearly
announced. [applause] Who were the men who defeated them? Which were the
flags they were carrying? Among those flags, which flag? Which flag but
the socialist flag. When we were fighting in the Sierra Maestra the
revolution was fighting battles for certain objectives which were
necessary at the time. Many men struggled and fought bravely. But when we
reached Giron, our combatants went there to fight and die and pay whatever
price was necessary for the socialist cause. [applause] That is why, as
Raul said 2 days ago at San Antonio military base, the battles of Giron
consolidated the presence of socialism in Latin America. [applause] Since
them, the imperialists have had no argument. Volodia expressed his desire
to learn how Giron was possible. The truth is that it is easy to
understand. When the peoples live through a revolutionary process in their
history, they transform the deed into the simplest thing, the daily bread.
The deed becomes a daily event. Even in the liberal revolutions when the
bourgeoisie tried to ally itself to the interests of the people, as
happened during the French revolution, the revolutionaries victoriously
confronted their outside enemies. When the Bolshevik revolution occurred,
the country was invaded by a number of foreign powers--I cannot recall if
it was 16 countries which attacked from all sides--and the Soviet people
heroically resisted under the worst conditions and carried out untold
deeds. The Vietnamese people are performing new deeds on a daily basis.
And we are certain that our fraternal Latin American peoples will carry
out similar and perhaps greater deeds under similar conditions, and
probably greater deeds than we could describe. We feel certain that the
Chileans could have a Giron in the Defense of their revolution and their
fatherland, and many Girons against the aggressors, against the
reactionaries, against the imperialists. Our people simply went there to
fulfill their duty. How did the people react against the enemy? They
reacted bravely with determination, with courage. What characterized our
combatants? Our soldiers? Our militia members? Our pilots? Our tank crews?
Our navy personnel? In short, all the combatants and all the people. The
same morale that Cubans have had throughout their history characterized
them. The morale of the '68 fighters characterized fighters who engaged a
very powerful and well-armed enemy under very difficult conditions. The
daring, the aggressiveness of our fighters in our independence wars,
created a tradition, created a culture so to speak, a revolutionary,
patriotic culture; habits were created in our people, habits of valor,
dignity, of combativity. The very spirit of the rebel combatants
characterized them for they too found it necessary to engage a larger, powerful, well-armed enemy even though they had very meager means
available to them. And the rebel fighters, in feats of daring and combat
valor, took just 25 months to liquidate enemy forces that numbered in
excess of 50,000 men and were quite well armed. Thus our rebel army was
created, grew, and in 25 months crushed the enemy. We must not forget how
the island was cut in two on that 31 January and our troops under "El
Che" were attacking [applause] Santa Clara [applause continues]
supported by the troops of the other invader, comrade Camilo Cienfuegos.
[applause] The island cut in two by the formidable action of our two
commanders; Camaguey taken; and no less than 17,000 soldiers in Oriente
Province encircled and utterly cut off. Some day the exact figures may be
given by the comrades who do historical research as to the number of
soldiers we had already encircled in Guantanamo, Santiago de Cuba, Holguin,
in Mayari, in Manzanillo, and we had even cut off two of the three
frigates in Santiago Bay. They could not leave. All this took 25 months
beginning with the insignificant figure of seven armed men who had
gathered at the end of December after the setbacks at the beginning of the
month. All this was but the continuity of our people's fighting
traditions; fighting traditions that showed up throughout those
engagements against the Batista tyranny and which were displayed in
extraordinary feats by the revolutionary fighters in the mountains and the
cities. We must not forget their great displays of valor and heroism. A
similar display was put on by our fighters against the Escambray bandits.
They staunchly pursued the bandits, encircled them, and they did not let
up until they had annihilated all of them. Similarly when the hour of
combat arrived, our fighters showed uncommon spirit and everywhere acted
in the same way. Wherever the planes appeared on 15 April, despite the
surprise and unexpected element of the air raids, the antiaircraft gun
crews reacted immediately! Yes, they reacted at once. I recall that I was
at the command post, the so-called point No.1, and I was in contact with
Oriente Province and Raul was reporting on a movement the enemy was making
around Baracoa, an apparent landing. And while waiting for news, daybreak
came and I saw B-26's flying over my command post. And when they had just
arrived, I noticed they looked strange. None of our planes were airborne
at the time and I felt that they could be enemy planes despite their Cuban
markings. They immediately began to raid the Ciudad Libertad base and in a
matter of seconds, the antiaircraft batteries began to fire back.
[applause] We began to see the tracer bullets of the antiaircraft guns.
[applause] The same thing was true everywhere. Nobody was afraid, nobody
panicked. At once they replied vigorously, courageously, crushingly, even
though caught by surprise. It must be noted that many of the gunners were
15, 16, and 17-year-old youths who never before had been attacked by a
plane. They were not veterans. They were raw recruits; it was the first
time they had fired. Yet they vied with each other for a chance at the
guns. It was emulation: "Who would get the gun? Who was firing more,
more accurately"--a tremendous enthusiasm. And all of them,
practically all them, were engaging an enemy plane for the first time and
they did not delay more than seconds in firing back. When the mercenaries
finally landed, as soon as they landed they met the same reaction
everywhere. The militiamen of Battalion 339 of Playa Large and the Giron
militiamen were caught by surprise there--in other words they were
suddenly confronted by the main enemy force landing there. And when they
demanded their surrender none did so. They shouted "fatherland or
death!" and commenced firing. [applause] They did not stop to think
how many mercenaries were coming or what arms they brought with them. They
were only four or five. They did not worry about covering their
withdrawal. No, they opened up on them immediately. The same thing
happened everywhere, wherever there was a man with a weapon. And it was
curious to see that sometimes there were persons who did not have weapons
but they wanted to fight. There were even literacy teachers who helped to
carry machineguns and took part in the fighting. That was the attitude. We
were faced with the problem of many persons asking for weapons around
Giron. It was not possible but that was the morale everywhere. And the
combatants did not hesitate in the slightest in carrying out their
missions; none, nowhere. Soldiers, militia members, all were the same. Of
course, there is no room for singling out, but if we single out by branch
of service the sailor, the pilot, the tank crew members--all were the
same. What did the pilots do? The papers of the mercenaries are somewhere
around. Their analysis was that our aircraft had no spare parts, that our
pilots had no means of communication, that they had no radar--in short
they lacked the most elemental needs of aerial combat. They tried to
destroy the few old aircraft, and they succeeded in destroying some. But
on the morning of 17 April there were nine aircraft left that might be
able to fly, and about seven pilots, many of them new on the job. Nobody
could imagine that such equipment could play any kind of decisive role in
those engagements. We suspected that they would try an air raid early in
the morning, and with this information available and the troops moving
towards Giron, our aircraft were airborne the morning of the 17th and
bound for Giron beach. What did those pilots do? There were seven new
pilots and nine old planes without parts or parts that had been adapted
with technical maintenance by comrades that had no training. Well, what
they did was simply to sink or force all enemy ships to flee--a small
fleet--and some of the ships were armed. The results were that all the
ships were either sunk or forced to flee. And in cooperation with the
antiaircraft artillery all the enemy aircraft were shot down at the end of
the invasion. Well, practically all, because I think there was one
aircraft left, or something. We do not know how this one escaped, because
there was nothing left; no ships, no aircraft, nothing in the air and
nothing at sea. In addition, they participated in the support of infantry
action beginning with the Matanzas militia members battalion's crossing
and ending with air raids over enemy positions and enemy concentrations on
the last day at 1700 hours when they were trying to return to the ships.
Some of them tried to go back to the ships. Moreover, our aircraft
confronted the Yankee aircraft from the carriers that were anchored off
the Cuban coast. Our aircraft were not frightened, not in the least. They
flew around the Yankee aircraft daringly and were ready to fight against
the Yankees if necessary with those old planes. [applause] The artillery
personnel had the same attitude, and the same is the case with the
infantry; infantry battalions which were participating in combat for the
first time, with a determination and spirit that enabled them to advance
continuously. The tank crew's attitude--the comrades that advanced on the
road to Playa Larga--they advanced through that canyon because there was a
forest on both sides. They had to march on a straight 6-kilometer road
confronted by tanks and antitank guns, and they advanced all the way to
the entrance of Playa Larga. When the lead tank was destroyed, or partly
destroyed and immobilized, the comrade commanding it jumped out, looked
for another tank, and continued to advance towards Playa Larga and to
rescue the crew of the destroyed tank. On the 19th the comrades who were
advancing towards Giron on the other road learned from the aircraft that
the enemy might go back to the ships. They decided to launch a violent
attack and several comrades boarded the tanks. We recall that some
prisoners had said that there were some antitank guns at the entrance to
Giron. However, we had to take Giron. The lead tank was ordered to advance
full speed and run over the artillery pieces. Following that tank, several
others did the same things. That tank ran full speed at night on the road
and ran over the artillery pieces and finally reached Giron. The one tank
arrived by itself. Its mission was to go to Giron and it went beyond it.
[applause] At that time the tank had no support form the infantry, and
after that one many more tanks passed and contacted the other forces on
the other side. Also coming from Playa Larga, the column maintained heavy
artillery fire. The combat was fierce under difficult conditions because
they had to advance on one road and could not maneuver in that type of
terrain. When the tanks arrived in Giron, they took positions facing the
American warships 3 or 4 kilometers away. The pilots and the tank crews
calmly fulfilled their duties. They were not disheartened or dismayed by
that enemy in the least bit. They challenged the mercenaries, and if the
Yankees had landed, they would have challenged them. That was the conduct
of the combatants everywhere, the same attitude everywhere. There was
another critical moment in the revolution's process, and that was on 27
October, 1962 when our antiaircraft artillery throughout the country fired
at the Yankee which approached our territory flying at low level. Not a
single man in the artillery crews hesitate. We all recall how the
combatants fired at the Yankee aircraft and made them flee. At the time
the Yankees were ready to fire their nuclear missiles against our country.
This was not a matter of fighting mercenaries with Yankee aircraft and
ships nearby. There was some uncertainty as to whether or not they would
intervene. When it was a matter of Yankee aircraft on that 27th day, when
all our artillery was placed at the most important locations and the order
was given to open fire, they opened fire. Our country was being threatened
with nuclear missiles, Yankee nuclear missiles. All the Yankee nuclear
missiles or most of them were directed at us. Those men did not hesitate
to open fire. We understand that our people gave a supreme demonstration
of coolness and bravery. Those are the traditions that have been forged by
our country throughout more than 100 years of struggle. Those are the
traditions in which our combatants have been brought up. Those are the
traditions that will have to be taught. Without any doubt, they will be
taught and passed on to the new generations of our people [applause] with
moral values that have been developing throughout our history and which
are becoming increasingly apparent; coolness before the enemy, utter lack
of panic or fear, valor, determination, vigorous retaliation, and
relentless combat. In other words, the reply is immediate and vigorous,
the right is staunch and tireless, the combat relentless--these are the
characteristics of our fighters. They are the best and most heroic
traditions of our people. We count on these traditions but today we have
equipment that is much more modern, there is more of it, and our combat
readiness is vastly superior. We have many more command cadres with much
greater training and qualifications, more modern arms, and to think that
once we used to fight in the mountains with rifles we took from Batista's
soldiers. But in Giron, well in Giron everything supplied to the fighters
had changed. More modern weapons were used in Giron, socialist weapons,
and you saw the 122 millimeter guns, and the T-34 tanks, and SU 100, a
combination of FAL rifles with 120 millimeter mortars, and other weapons.
For the first time the socialist weapons appeared, and especially and
above all, the Soviet weapons that arrived very opportunely [applause]
some weeks earlier. It is known that our gunners learned one thing in the
morning and taught it to the others in the afternoon, and what they
learned at night they would teach others the next morning. We still had
too few instructors, and there was no time. Yet we could see the enemy's
training and we had to step up ours. There were hundreds of guns and
antiaircraft batteries when the invasion took place. But more modern
weapons were used, and, of course, we are very pleased to say that our
fighters made splendid use of these weapons. They will always make
splendid use of these weapons in any circumstances. [applause] It is also
a historical tradition since the mambises to the rebel guerrilla army of
the mountains, that they cannot take our weapons from us. Nobody can take
our weapons from us. In other words, comrade fighters will not let
themselves be disarmed. You would have to kill them to disarm them. Just
the contrary, our fighters have historically, always, seized more weapons
than they had when the fighting began. Of course there is a sizable
quantity of weapons in this country now. I do not think it is a secret
that there are more than half a million weapons in this country. More than
half a million weapons. [applause] And we are a people with a fighting and
combat tradition and we fight whether we are a 100 or 5, or just one,
while we have a rifle. That is our tradition and we do not panic or become
frightened in the face of the enemy. Without any doubt we are a people who
are sufficiently prepared morally and better equipped than ever and better
prepared technically than we have ever been for combat. Of course, this
has been the essential guarantee, the basic guarantee for the survival of
our revolutionary process because the imperialists realized that they had
a tough bone to chew in our country and that the invasion was not going to
be just a military walkover but would cost them plenty. This explains
logically why the invasion was utterly defeated. It was defeated swiftly.
It had to be defeated swiftly to spoil its plans to set up a provisional
government and try to legalize intervention. But in any case, if that had
not been necessary, they would not have lasted a single moment longer
either. All our people needed to know was that the mercenaries were there
to get the proper motivation for combat. From that moment on they needed
no further encouragement, no further motivation. They all wanted to be
present for duty as they did everywhere. Thus our people wrote that
memorable page in history, a feat of ever-increasing magnitude, and as
times goes by it is better understood. Busy as we are in our revolutionary
duties and in our day-to-day struggle, we have not even dedicated a
monument to those who died in Giron. Indeed there was a contest. Prizes
were awarded. Later many were dissatisfied with the project. The populace,
the architects. In short, let us see whether we can set up another
national contest; let us Cubans set up another national contest so we can
some day undertake the task of erecting a monument to the Giron fighters.
The time that has passed does not matter. Perhaps fraternal hands will
help build that monument. Perhaps the revolutionary hands of other
fraternal nations of Latin America may come so that the blood shed for our
continent will be honored with the sweat of Latin American
revolutionaries. [applause] I am sure that when the project is available,
Latin American youths desirous of placing a stone in the monument will
come forth. It is altogether fitting that this deserved monument be
erected in memory of those fighters. It will also honor all our people who
gave up their lives. It will also honor all those who were wounded in
combat, those who shed their blood, and in short, will be in memory of all
those who, in the vanguard or the rearguard, took part, whatever the duty
assigned them, in those memorable deeds. I think that our people simply
did their duty as all the revolutionary peoples have done and shall always
do. It is true that the face of our continent has changed greatly in 10
years. My judgment is that the days of imperialist domination in Latin
America are numbered and that throughout these years there has been a
great increase of awareness in the continent and the contradictions within
imperialism have grown extraordinarily and imperialist domination in Latin
America is in a crisis. Today we have had the pleasure of hearing a voice
from a fraternal country, a country that is on the path of revolution,
brothers in arms with our people, a people who are just beginning on the
long and difficult struggle, and we know how long and difficult that
struggle is. We know that the Chileans logically will encounter
difficulties. So far the imperialists, the CIA, supported by the
oligarchists and the reactionaries--as Volodia explained--are doing
everything possible to obstruct and create difficulties for the Popular
Unity government, and among other things, to sabotage agricultural and
industrial production. The sneaky and shameful manner in which they
murdered the Chilean Army chief is well known. The continued plots of the
CIA against the Popular Unity government are well known, and continued
campaigns to fight the Chilean revolutionary process, the foreign
campaigns. It has been learned how the imperialists are withdrawing their
technicians from Chile in order to obstruct copper production. It has also
been learned how an agrarian reform is being carried out in Chile. In the
agrarian reform processes the exploited peasant masses become consumers.
They are beginning to consume many of the products which they were forced
to take to market before in order to pay the rent, or their purchasing
power was insignificant due to very low salaries. We know about the
increased purchasing power from the peasants. Also, there is the
latifundist sabotage. We know it well. They devoted themselves to the
killing of the cattle. They refuse to plant and try to affect the harvests
in every possible manner. During specific periods, the oligarchs are
sufficiently powerful to do harm--to do much harm. All this we know. The
Popular Unity government has been reporting these problems. Logically--it
is almost unnecessary that we say this--we are wholeheartedly on the side
of the Chilean people, and we are ready [applause] to do whatever may be
necessary for them. [applause] We are ready to demonstrate our solidarity
in any field. [applause] For instance, we have now established trade with
Chile. We are sending sugar, which is an important Chilean consumer item.
They send us kidney beans, garlic, and onions. Unfortunately, part of the
last shipment encountered problems, we have been informed. No one is at
fault--least of all the Chileans--we are trying to solve the
transportation problem, the conservation problem. We had trouble with some
garlic and some onions. I was saying that we are supplying Chile with our
products and are importing food products from Chile; lumber from Chile.
The first millions of feet of lumber have arrived. This lumber is to build
furniture--furniture for schools, homes--from Chile. We have received
barley for beer production, and in short, a broad trade exists. As long as
Chile can pay for our sugar with foodstuffs and lumber, we will be
receiving food and lumber. However, if as a result of the imperialist
campaigns and the counterrevolutionary maneuvers of imperialism and the
internal counterrevolution--if because of their sabotage of Chilean food
production--Chile should not be able to send us garlic, onions, or beans
tomorrow, this will not matter. We will continue to send our sugar to the
Chilean people. [applause] To our Chilean brothers, to the Popular Unity
government, to President Allende, we say [applause] that if the
counterrevolution sabotages Chilean agriculture, it will not matter; The
Chilean people will never lack sugar. [applause] We will do whatever is
necessary--produce more or give them from our own share. After the
Peruvian earthquake, our people in a matter of days--in 10 days--collected
100,000 donations of blood to save Peruvian lives [applause]; in 10 days.
This is proof of the strong internationalist spirit of our people. In 10
days, this revolutionary gesture, this disinterested gesture, shows the
measure of the awareness of our people. The same is true of the
disposition to help--to help, to fulfill the basic duty of brothers,
fulfill the primary duty of cooperation with the revolutionary peoples of
Latin America. Blood, sugar, whatever is necessary. But all this is only a
small gesture. This is too small, comrade Volodia; sugar, blood
donations--this is too little. There is a much stronger feeling in the
hearts of Cubans, a more decisive, more fraternal feeling. Since thousands
of Chileans wanted to come to Cuba for the Giron battle during the
invasion. The Chileans may be assured that if there should be an
aggression from abroad, planned by imperialism, millions of Cubans will be
ready to go to fight for Chile. [applause] Consider all revolutionary
Cubans enlisted as of now for action against a foreign attack. [applause]
It may be said, therefore, that we are revolutionary soldiers of America.
This too is part of our tradition. During our independence war, Chileans,
Peruvians, Venezuelans, Colombians, Central Americans took part. In our
independence war, that great soldier Maximo Gomez took part. [applause] He
is a legend in our history. And in our most recent guerrilla struggle,
another legendary hero took part--the unforgettable comrade, Ernesto
Guevara. [applause] Cuban fighters have shed their blood helping peoples
of other continents, helping African peoples. They have shed their blood
helping Latin American peoples. This is part of the best tradition of our
fatherland and of our revolution. Therefore, we may be depended upon. Our
brothers of Algeria are much farther away, yet at a difficult moment our
men crossed the ocean and arrived opportunely to give their support to
Algeria. [applause] This is part of our history, part of our tradition.
So, Latin American revolutionary peoples can depend on us; Latin American
revolutionary governments can depend on us. We say this clearly and
publicly. They can depend on the Giron fighters. They can also depend on
the Giron spirit. We consider ourselves a part of the Latin American
family, we are part of this continent. We are citizens of this continent,
revolutionaries of this continent. This is not a (?farce), it is part of
history; a historical reality. The first ones who fought for the
independence of our countries did not conceive what we have today. Nothing
was so far from their aspirations or objectives. Bolivar, San Martin, and
Sucre fought for another America; a united America, a strong America, not
for a Balkanized, impotent, and weak America. None better than Marti, none
with more conviction than Marti in developing this Latin Americanist
feeling. Then, Marti could have been the product of an ideal--of a
rationalization of thoughts. Such aspirations today are something vital
for the existence of each and all our peoples--what we are and what we
will be. What are we before the power of imperialism? What are we before
its imposing technical development? What is our destiny today? And what
might our destiny be in the near future? What will be the destiny of our
small, divided, and weak countries? Indeed, on this continent the Yankees
have not only taken away our sovereignty; not only have they limited our
sovereignty; not only have they imposed their mercantile and economic
conditions; not only have they taken our mineral wealth, our natural
resources in general; not only have they exploited millions and millions
of our workers; not only do they extract millions yearly from the sweat of
our peoples; not only have they sponsored our underdevelopment, our
technological backwardness; not only have they continually robbed our
technical intelligence. It may be said that the Yankees have robbed us
even of our name, because they have taken for themselves the name of
America, and they call themselves the Americans. That group of states to
the north has stolen the name of America. We, apparently, are not
Americans. We do not even have a name. We still do not have a name. We are
practically without baptism. They call us Latin Americans, Ibero-Americans,
Indo-Americans. To the imperialists we are simply despised peoples. At
least we used to be. They have started to think somewhat differently since
Giron. National scorn, racial scorn is meted out to Creoles, Mestizos,
Indians, Negroes. To be Latin American is enough to receive their scorn.
With its exasperated chauvinism of great power, its habits of colonialism
and dominion, its imperialistic habits, the Yankee--we mean the
imperialistic Yankees--feels only scorn for our peoples. His strategy
throughout history has been to divide us. For almost 200 years the
European and Yankee imperialists have done everything to keep Latin
American peoples divided and impotent. They have even promoted ferocious
wars. Who can forget wars such as the Chaco between Bolivia and Paraguay?
Who can forget that painful war which did so much harm and created so much
resentment between Peru and Chile? Who can forget the very recent war
between El Salvador and Honduras? Who can overlook the scheme which is
being used by the imperialists and their agents against the peoples of
Colombia and Venezuela-- stirring up their nationalistic feelings which
are actually fictitious, stirring up passions? The monopolies have
promoted war in order to defend their own interests. They have promoted
divisions. Of course, for such imperialistic policy to prosper it is
necessary to have lackey governments, reactionary governments, puppet
governments. Because within revolutionary peoples, between revolutionary
governments, the feelings that can be awakened are those which today exist
between Chile and Cuba--feelings of real brotherhood, because nothing can
divide us. The interests of our own peoples come first. We must learn to
think in this way. We must educate ourselves in this way, and we must
educate the new generations along these lines. We must educate ourselves
not only politically but culturally along these lines so that economic
colonization may not be superseded by cultural colonization. We must not
forget that imperialists base their dominion not only on arms, economics,
and politics, but especially in spiritual arms. They sue the weapon of the
mind and culture. We have been talking about the teaching of falsified
history--all those lies. Imperialistic dominion tends to disappear in
third would countries, but those who aspire to become intellectual tutors
continue to subsist. Cultural colonialism continues. Those who want to
instruct our people from New York, from Paris, from Rome, from London, or
from Berlin still exist. This is why our people must make a very loud
reply against this colonizing attempt, this spiritual and cultural
colonization, against the unacceptable attempt to introduce and maintain
all the elements of a decadent culture, which is the result of a society,
or societies, which are full of contradictions and rotten to the core.
This is why we have a superior culture; that of our Latin American
peoples, who together form a constant and rich spring of spiritual
creation sin all aspects of life. We therefore urge our Latin American
friends to help us, to cooperate in the development of the broadest field
of knowledge, the broadest development of cultural and artistic values
among our Latin American peoples, of our America. We are a part of this
America, and this is what prompts our attitude and is responsible for the
degree of our solidarity, which is full, absolute, and total. Other Latin
American countries are in convulsion. We were also aware of and consider
with sympathy--with great sympathy--the development of the Peruvian
revolutionary process since the very first manifestations of the
government which emerged against the oligarchic and submissive former
president Belaunde. That process was observed with interest in our
country. Our country quickly became aware that in the Peruvian process
totally different actions were taking place--when we saw the cancellation
of concessions granted to the oil companies, when we saw the intervention
and recovery of resources which were under the control of oil monopolies,
when we say the fierce campaign unleashed in the United States, when we
saw the agrarian reform law, when we saw control of currency, and when in
the final analysis we saw a series of measures we became aware that a real
change in that country's structures was taking place and that a
revolutionary process was under way. We did not hesitate to call this
process revolutionary, because what determines whether a process is
revolutionary or not are not the schemes, the fictitious actions, and the
attractive aspects, but the deeds; and the deeds were determining
objectively the existence of a revolutionary process in Peru. Naturally,
each process possesses its own characteristics. In the Peruvian process,
the prime force behind the struggle for development and against the
external domination of its economy was the strongly patriotic and
nationalist sentiments which prevailed. One cannot speak about a
Marxist-Leninist revolution in Peru, but from the viewpoint of
revolutionary theory one can speak objectively about a revolutionary
process in Peru. This was demonstrated by the reaction and hostility it
produced in the United States. Naturally, as a result of the Cuban
experience the imperialists have been much more cautious. They have been
much more careful and have become smarter, and they have resorted to much
more subtle weapons. In Peru they are conducting their great reactionary
campaigns with the support of the oligarchy and the press, which reflects
the thoughts of the imperialists, that is, the rightist press. To cite one
example of this it suffices to mention that in the last few days--in 1
week--these rightist newspapers published 32 articles against Cuba; they
published 32 articles against Cuba. Logically these articles against Cuba
were not really aimed against Cuba. They were aimed against the Peruvian
government. Their objectives was to confuse the masses, to deceive the
masses, to scare the masses by telling the masses that the structural
changes--the revolutionary changes--could lead to problems and
difficulties. In other words, they are aimed at discouraging the masses'
revolutionary spirit and fighting the structural changes ideologically.
They have learned through their long historic experience and structural
changes, which do not come alone but are accompanied by fierce opposition
of the exploiting class, cause all sorts of problems for all revolutionary
processes. And no true revolutionary process has been free from them.
However, 32 articles can only be written by the Yankee embassy. We know
that sort of campaign. Now, why were 32 articles published against Cuba in
a single week? Because of the fear of the imperialists, a fear of the
revolutionary wave which is sweeping the continent, a fear of the
radicalization that is taking place in Latin America. And the Yankees are
desperately seeking by all means to prevent that which is inevitable, to
apply a brake to this process. And they are increasingly unable to do so.
Then there is Bolivia, where Che and his guerrilla comrades fought a
heroic battle. Che died, but his sentiments, his ideas, his example,
remained in the hearts of the Bolivian working, peasant, and student
masses. Consequently, in Bolivia we have a revolutionary, convulsed,
radicalized people who do not stand for jokes and are demanding a radical
revolution. They are demanding a profound revolution; they are demanding a
true revolution. They are the people who are taking to the streets to
fight threats of a fascist coup. They are the people who are demanding
that responsibility by fixed for actions taken by fascist elements that
are still in military uniform. They are the people who are demanding
punishment for the officers responsible for the murders of miners,
workers, peasants, and students. These people are demanding punishment for
the CIA's accomplices in the repression and murder of the guerrillas and
Che's murder. For this reason, it is our opinion that a revolutionary
process also exists in Bolivia. This is borne out by the degree of
radicalization and the formidable awareness of the masses. With regard to
the leadership of that process, we have not expressed our views. We have
seen that the imperialists are concerned, and when the imperialists are
concerned about someone or are against someone--even if it is for reasons
not completely revolutionary--we will not do a single favor for the
imperialists. Therefore, here we can say or express our confidence in the
Peruvian revolutionary process, in the Peruvian Government, in the
Peruvian people. We express our confidence in the Chilean revolutionary
process, in the Popular Unity movement, in the Chilean Government and
people. We can also express our confidence in the Bolivian workers,
students, and peasants--our confidence in the Bolivian people. [applause]
The political regimes of Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil are also in
strife, and every day press dispatches mention the revolutionary fighters,
the fighters who are risking their lives in the underground and shedding
their blood fighting oppression which reminds us of the heroic days of our
people from 1953 to 1959. Almost every day we hear reports of armed
actions or mass movements. Every day we hear about youths who have died
fighting the repressive forces. Evidently these governments are facing a
crisis because of the increasing revolutionary struggles of their peoples.
The Uruguayan Government is facing a crisis. Also in crisis is the
Argentine Government, where we have seen gorilla Lanusse--let us not
confuse him with Llanusa [former Education Minister in Cuba]--who after
sitting behind the throne removing and establishing governments and
following crisis after crisis decided to take direct charge of the
government. He did this in order to extricate the army from the great
difficulties which he had created--from the critical situation which the
government is facing and to try to organize an electoral farce to prevent
a revolutionary solution for the Argentine people. In our opinion, his
efforts are useless and Argentina--as in Brazil where the dominant and
exploiting oligarchies have resorted to the most barbaric methods to
maintain their system--has reached a point considered the incubus of
revolution. They have reached a situation in which they have exhausted the
last methods, the last actions, the last weapons, to maintain a system.
Consequently, we see clearly the development of the crisis in Uruguay,
Argentina, and Brazil. Every day the press carries reports about the cruel
Batista and Ventura type tortures taking place in Brazil. We all know that
once the dominant and exploiting systems have reached this stage they have
no possible way out. Consequently, a wave of radicalization, a
revolutionary wave, is sweeping the continent and is seriously threatening
imperialist domination. Now, what has been and what will be Cuba's
position in this situation? Cuba maintains its policy--the policy it has
pursued always--the line of Sierra Maestra, Giron, the line at all times,
the line of the 1st and 2nd Havana declarations. Cuba maintains its policy
of support to the revolutionary governments and also support of the
revolutionary movements of Latin America. [applause] Naturally, the
imperialists would like to pacify Cuba, to calm, tame, and neutralize
Cuba. Of course, they cannot even dream about this. If they dreamed about
it once, they had a bad dream because they should never have dreamed about
it. Indeed, behind the tradition of our people is a firmness of principle,
a revolutionary intransigent position. Ten years have passed since Giron--the
Cubans also fought from 68 from 78 [as heard]--10 years. Unfortunately,
the painful experience of El Zanjon is well known. Defeatism and pessimism
led to the abandoning of arms. Naturally, our people profited from that
long experience. For this reason, the Americans--an erroneous term because
we have already said the name America does not belong only to them, the
Yankees, and when we say Yankees we mean imperialists--have no right or
basis to dream about any type of normalization of relations with Cuba and
conciliation with Cuba. We explain this, because in these days the demagogy
of Mr. Nixon has exceeded all limits. In a desperate situation
arising from the tremendous defeats inflicted in Indochina, where Mr.
Nixon began his administration with one war and now has three wars going,
the three have been lost--and are becoming increasingly lost. Nixon is
maneuvering internationally, seeking desperately to grasp something to
save himself. We know him well-extremely well. Among other things, we do
not forget that he was one of the fathers of the Giron invasion and one of
the persons responsible for the deaths of 149 comrades at Playa Giron. We
do not forget this. In a recent radio interview on international policy,
Nixon said, in reference to Cuba: If Cuba's policy toward us were to
change, we would change our policy toward Castro. In other words, we would
take a step forward. He went on: As long as the Havana government does not
change its policy toward us, we will not modify ours in any way, and
Havana has not taken any such step. Therefore, our relations with Cuba
continue at a standstill. Of course, the old insolent and disrespectful
language is no longer used by those who at one time thought they would
have us on our knees. Now they almost seem to pine for a gesture from
Cuba. But such a gesture, Mr. Nixon--and we say this with all the honesty
with characterizes this revolution and its statements--will never be made.
The imperialists have accumulated a long list of responsibilities and
debts toward our nation and our people, even if we were not to count what
they have done since the war of independence. Their opportunist
intervention, their Platt Amendment, their taking over of part of our
territories and our riches, the sacking to which they subjected us during
almost 60 years. Oh, what they did in recent years! After deforming our
country's economy, after forcing us to depend on only one product which
had only one market, they then took away our sugar market, and with that
market, the sugar quota. They went from country to country bribing the
reactionary and oligarchic governments, offering them part of our sugar
quota so that they would vote against Cuba. And behind all these maneuvers
by the OAS [as heard], behind all these agreements, besides the
criminality of Yankee policies, lies the shameful corruption, the
unbelievable bridging of the oligarchic governments by parceling out
Cuba's sugar quota. The Yankee imperialists deprived us of the raw
materials necessary for our industries which, in many cases, depended
exclusively on certain raw materials. They denied us all possibility of
getting spare parts for our factories, for our railroad engines, for all
our transportation, most of which came from the United States. The
imperialists forced us to bring these items from 10,000 and 15,000
kilometers away. In other words, even though we have 52 transport ships,
we can transport scarcely 8 percent of the country's imports and exports.
The imperialists persecuted us everywhere by blockading our trade,
preventing us from selling our products, making their influence felt in
all the countries where they could, either because the country bought from
the United States or because the United States owned the industries. Or
where they had political influence, they obstructed the selling of Cubans
products, among them our nickel. The imperialists boycotted the ships, and
raised the price of cargo for our country. They made it difficult to get
transportation to bring in our merchandise. The imperialists forced us to
pay more, sometimes 20 or 30 percent more, for any item. The imperialists
and their agents have during all these years made a tremendous effort to
bribe, to buy, to seduce Cuban diplomats and businessmen. The imperialists
have put forth in all these years great espionage activity, this without
referring to the activities which they directed against us specifically,
the dozens and dozens of arms shipments dropped by plane in Escambray,
promoting the bandit struggle which cost us hundreds of lives, which cost
us hundreds of millions, the infiltrations, the sabotage, the fires, such
as the one at El Encanto, explosions such as the one of the (?Lecumbre),
dozens of pirate attacks and evil deeds of all kinds committed against our
country. And today we are commemorating the 10th anniversary of the
criminal and pirate-like attack on Giron. The imperialists did not want to
go through those difficult October days. The imperialists moved their
puppets, their resources, and reached all sorts of agreements aimed
against our country. We have not forgotten this, nor shall we forget the
crimes committed against other brother nations; the historic crimes
against Cuba and the historic crimes against other Latin American nations;
against Mexico, against Central America, against Santo Domingo. We shall
not forget the murder of Sandino, a historic crime. So many murders,
political assassinations of revolutionary leaders. Nor shall we forget the
imperialists' contemporary crimes. The murder of Lumumba, the murder of
Mulele, the mass murder of the Indonesia communists, brought about by the
intrigues and the conspiracy of the CIA, the murder of revolutionaries in
the African nations. We shall not forget the recent criminal intervention
in Santo Domingo, where they landed their troops armed to the teeth in
order to prevent the self-determination of the Dominican people. We shall
not forget their crimes against Korea, nor against the Arab nations. We
shall not forget their horrendous crimes against the Heroic people of
Vietnam and the other peoples of Indochina. [applause] We shall not forget
their reactionary coups of Argentina, in Brazil, and other countries, with
their subsequent bloody reprisals against the workers, peasants, and
students--all promoted by the imperialists. This is the imperialism
represented by Mr. Nixon. What kind of normal relations or arrangements
can there be between a revolutionary country such as Cuba, which is
developing its system as it does, and this Yankee imperialism, this
genocidal government, this cop-like government, this aggressive
government. Reconciliation and normal relations with Mr. Nixon would mean
that Cuba was renouncing its solidarity with the revolutionary movements
and peoples and governments. But Cuba will not renounce this--we repeat
this once more--will never renounce this solidarity. [applause] We have
survived for 10 years, and we shall survive for as long as necessary. We
have resisted for 10 years since Giron, and we shall resist for as long as
necessary. We can afford to scorn--yes, simply to scorn, for they taught
us how--to scorn relations with the imperialist U.S. Government. To scorn
relations with a government of aggressors, with a government of genocides,
an imperialist government of a decadent empire clearly being defeated on
all international fronts. This revolution could have good relations with
the imperialists only at the price of submission, and this revolution will
never submit. [applause] We were in the Sierra Maestra at one time,
isolated, in dire straits; we fought, we resisted, and we were victorious.
After our people had wrested power and a new facet of the revolution had
begun, the imperialists isolated us, left us just like Batista left us in
the Sierra Maestra. We have resisted, and we shall continue to resist. But
we are no longer so alone, we are no longer alone. Other peoples have
embarked on their revolutionary path. Normal relations with the
imperialists would mean that we would have to renounce our elementary
duties of solidarity with the revolutionary peoples of Latin America.
Normal relations with the imperialists who are threatening our brother
nations, who are a threat to other revolutions? How can this be if we are
sworn to go and fight alongside our brothers against those same
imperialists and against their mercenaries? How can anyone conceive of the
idea of reconciliation or of normal relations with these same
imperialists? Never, not at all. And once more we wish to make clear our
position. Some Latin American governments have brought up in the OAS their
condemnation of the aggression and the measures against Cuba. This is
clearly Chile's position. Others have suggested that the sanctions be
suspended. Sanctions against whom? Who indeed is under censure? Who should
the sanctions be against? The Yankee imperialists and the puppet
governments which were their accomplices in the aggression against Cuba!
We may have been censured by that court of bandits, but morally we have
never felt under censure. Morally, historically, they are the only ones
under censure and, naturally, we have no intention of lifting--nor can
anyone lift--these moral and historic sanctions against the imperialists
and their cohorts. That is our position. [applause] The imperialists and
their puppets have been condemned by history. We believe that when the
Chilean Government adopted the position of fighting it out with them
there, it did the right thing, within its conditions. Despite Chile's
fighting in the OAS, they have not thrown them out of the OAS, as we were
thrown out! And now that we are outside, we feel perfectly well.
[applause] We do not have to account to the imperialists, nor to the OAS.
We feel better outside than inside the OAS. We feel more honored, lighter,
more satisfied, and freer outside the OAS. Furthermore, how are they going
to allow us into the OAS when we say we are on the side of the
revolutionary governments? How, when we say that the OAS is a filthy,
rotten bilge with no honor? How, when we say that the OAS causes fits of
vomiting in our country--the name of the OAS, that is? Furthermore, we say
publicly that we have supported, we still support, and we shall continue
to support the revolutionary movements of Latin America! [applause] We do
not belong, nor shall be belong, to the OAS. At one time we said, well, if
they want us to rejoin the OAS, let them throw the imperialists out of the
OAS--throw the puppets out of the OAS. Because historically the OAS has to
disappear, because the OAS in itself is an historic expression of the
degree of Balkanization and division that the imperialists have introduced
into Latin America. There should be a union of Latin American states, not
an organization of Latin American states. There should be a union, not an
organization. [applause] And for a union to exist, there first must be
revolution in each of the Latin American countries. Union is not brought
about by agreement at a given day or hour. It will be a historic process
to the degree that it takes this phenomena into consideration to the
degree that the people free themselves, and to the degree that they
understand that for each of our people there is a single truth. There is a
future only in union. There is salvation only in union. It will be a long
historic process, of partial integration of an economic type, until one
day this law of history results in a union of the Latin American people;
economic union and political union of the Latin American people.
[applause] Today, distance have disappeared. Between Havana and Buenos
Aires travel is much faster today. The trip between Santiago de Cuba and
Havana is three or four times faster than at the beginning of the century.
Distance no longer exists (? in the midst of) fabulous means of
communication. All tradition, all the cultural-linguistic community,
commonality of interests inexorably force the union of our people. The
Bolshevik revolution was an extraordinary historic event, the most
extraordinary even to of this century and perhaps of this millennium. Now,
the revolution took place in an immense country, with 170 million
inhabitants, with immense natural resources. If the revolution had taken
place in Belorussia, one of the many small nations which make up the
Soviet Union, the revolutionary process of that historic event would not
have had the far-reaching effect that it had, and has today. That
influence makes possible the development of the enormous economic
resources, makes possible the development of immense military resources
with which to confront the imperialist threat, makes possible the immense
technological development, permits the conquest of space, the struggle
against Yankee imperialism, and victory in the conquest of space. Yankee
imperialism is nothing less than our neighbor. It is at our side. It has
been influencing our destiny for 200 years. It will continue exercising
this decisive and astounding influence on the destiny of our people to the
degree that we are unable to unite. Therefore, according to the law of
history our peoples are being called to unite and this will be the task of
the Latin American revolutionaries. This will be the task of future
generation. It should not even seem extraordinary if the children of today
live to see this occur. They will live this reality. This is inexorably
pointed out by history, and therefore we must teach the future generations
to have this conscience. We should develop this internationalist or Latin
Americanist sentiment as broadly as possible--this sentiment that is
expressed in the blood given to the Peruvian people; this sentiment that
is expressed in our willingness to hurry to fight together with our
Chilean brothers--simply because this sentiment is already in our hearts.
This sentiment is in our thoughts, this sentiment is in our blood. Our
country has had the privilege of being the first, the privilege of being
able to deepen its political conscience, its revolutionary conscience. A
great responsibility falls on our country. It is the responsibility of the
generations to come to follow the path already marked out in this struggle
for independence, to follow the path followed by Marti and Dos Rios, to
follow the path followed by the fighters and heroes of Giron, to follow
the path that marks the realities of the world in which we live, to follow
the path that marks the laws of history for us. Therefore, we believe that
this day, this 10th anniversary of Giron marks a qualitative change in the
Latin American situation and should also mark a qualitative change in the
development of our internationalist conscience and in the development of
our Latin Americanist conscience. We should orient our schools along this
line. We should guide our studies along this line. We should orient our
cultural movement in this way. We should begin to orient all our minds and
the minds of the future generations, and the present generation of
children along this path. Therefore, for us this 10th anniversary of Giron
is commemorated under the auspices of a growth of the revolutionary
movement, of a wave of revolutionary radicalization in Latin America. It
commemorates a moment in which Cuba is no longer alone among the peoples
which follow this path. It commemorates a moment in which the struggle for
freedom is at a peak and when the future tasks of the people shine
clearly. It is with great satisfaction that we note having a
representation from a sister country with whom the representatives of
other revolutionary peoples are united in solidarity--the representation
of the GDR, in the person of its defense minister [applause] and the
representation of heroic Vietnam fighters. [applause] Our armed forces and
all of our fighting men, all of our people, must continue exerting
themselves as they have to date, constantly surpassing themselves in the
technical area and in the political area. We think that we already have
the responsibility of preparing ourselves not only for ourselves, not only
to defend our land, not only to defend our fatherland--let us say our
little fatherland, Cuba--but also to express our solidarity in whatever
task might be necessary in relation to the peoples of Latin America.
[applause] Our armed forces have acquired broad technical knowledge. They
have developed formidable educational institutions. We have been able to
advance in this area. And in this area, we will undoubtedly one day have
the need to give technical aid to other revolutionary Latin American
peoples, to give them our support, support of a technical nature. In these
same institutions, possibly in the future, there will be students from
other revolutionary Latin American peoples. Surely, therefore, when we see
the development of the ITM [not further identified, possibly meaning the
military technical institute] and other schools we think that they are
being developed not only for the Cubans [applause] but also for Latin
Americans. And in relation to Latin America, at the hour and moment that
the other brother revolutionary countries request technical assistance,
such as technicians or soldiers, as soldiers and combatants and as our
most sacred duty we shall furnish them. Therefore comrade Volodia
Teitleboim tell the Chilean people, the Popular Unity, and the government
headed by Salvador Allende that our people unselfishly and in brotherhood
with the spirit of Giron say: When you need it you can count on our sugar
[applause]; when you need it you can count on our blood; and when you need
it you can count on our lives. [applause] Viva the heroes if Giron.
[people shout viva] Viva international proletarianism. [people shout viva]
Viva the solidarity of the Latin American peoples. [people shout viva]
Fatherland or death. [people shout via] We will win.
|
|
Republic of Cuba
