Create two, three… many Vietnams
“It is the hour of the furnace, and the light is all that can be
seen.” - José Martí.
Twenty-one years have elapsed since the end of the last
world conflagration, and various publications in every language are
celebrating this event, symbolized by the defeat of Japan. A climate of
optimism is apparent in many sectors of the different camps into which the
world is divided.
Twenty-one years without a world war in these days of
maximum confrontations, of violent clashes and abrupt turns, appears to be
a very high number. All of us declare our readiness to fight for this
peace. But without analyzing its practical results (poverty, degradation,
constantly increasing exploitation of enormous sectors of humanity), it is
appropriate to ask whether this peace is real.
The purpose of these notes is not to write the history
of the various conflicts of a local character that have followed one after
another since Japan’s surrender. Nor is it our task to recount the
numerous and growing instances of civilian strife that have occurred in
these years of supposed peace. It is enough to point to the wars in Korea
and Vietnam as examples to counter the boundless optimism.
In Korea, after years of ferocious struggle, the
northern part of the country was left submerged in the most terrible
devastation in the annals of modern war: riddled with bombs; without
factories, schools or hospitals; without any kind of housing to shelter 10
million inhabitants.
Dozens of countries intervened in that war, led
militarily by the United States, under the false banner of the United
Nations, with the massive participation of U.S. troops and the use of the
conscripted South Korean people as cannon fodder. On the other side, the
army and people of Korea and the volunteers from the People’s Republic
of China received supplies and advice from the Soviet military apparatus.
The United States carried out all kinds of tests of weapons of
destruction, excluding thermonuclear ones, but including bacteriological
and chemical weapons on a limited scale.
In Vietnam a war has been waged almost without
interruption by the patriotic forces of that country against three
imperialist powers: Japan, whose might plummeted after the bombings of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki; France, which recovered its Indochinese colonies
from that defeated country, disregarding the promises made at a time of
duress; and the United States, in the latest phase of the conflict.
There have been limited confrontations on all
continents, even though on the Latin American continent there were for a
long time only attempts at freedom struggles and military coups d’état,
until the Cuban revolution sounded its clarion call, signaling the
importance of this region and attracting the wrath of the imperialists,
compelling Cuba to defend its coasts first at Playa Girón and then during
the October [1962 missile] crisis.
The latter incident could have touched off a war of
incalculable proportions if a U.S.-Soviet clash had occurred over the
Cuban question.
Right now, however, the contradictions are clearly
centered in the territories of the Indochinese peninsula and the
neighboring countries. Laos and Vietnam were shaken by conflicts that
ceased to be civil wars when U.S. imperialism intervened with all its
power, and the whole region became a lit fuse, leading to a powder keg. In
Vietnam the confrontation has taken on an extremely sharp character. It is
not our intention to go into the history of this war either. We will just
point out some milestones.
In 1954, after the crushing defeat [of the French
forces] at Dien Bien Phu, the Geneva accords were signed, dividing Vietnam
into two zones with the stipulation that elections would be held in 18
months to determine who would govern the country and how it would be
reunified. The United States did not sign that document, but began
maneuvering to replace Emperor Bao Dai, a French puppet, with a man who
fit their aims. He turned out to be Ngo Dinh Diem, whose tragic end —
that of a lemon squeezed dry by imperialism — is known to everyone.
In the months following the signing of the accords,
optimism reigned in the camp of the popular forces. They dismantled
military positions of the anti-French struggle in the southern part of the
country and waited for the agreement to be carried out. But the patriots
soon realized that there would be no elections unless the United States
felt capable of imposing its will at the ballot box, something it could
not do even with all its methods of electoral fraud.
The struggles in the southern part of the country began
once again, and these have been gaining in intensity. Today the U.S. army
has grown to almost a half-million invaders, while the puppet forces
decline in number and, above all, have totally lost the will to fight.
It has been about two years since the United States
began the systematic bombing of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in yet
another attempt to halt the fighting spirit in the south and to impose a
conference from a position of strength. At the beginning, the bombings
were more or less isolated occurrences, carried out in the guise of
reprisals for alleged provocations from the north. Then their intensity
and regularity increased, until they became one gigantic onslaught by the
U.S. air force carried out day after day, with the purpose of destroying
every vestige of civilization in the northern zone of the country. It is
one episode in the sadly notorious escalation.
The material aims of the Yankee world have been
achieved in good part despite the valiant defense put up by the Vietnamese
antiaircraft batteries, the more than 1,700 planes brought down and the
aid in military supplies from the socialist camp.
This is the painful reality: Vietnam, a nation
representing the aspirations and hopes for victory of all the world’s
disinherited, is tragically alone. This people must endure the pounding of
U.S. technology — in the south almost without defenses, in the north
with some possibilities of defense — but always alone.
The solidarity of the progressive world with the
Vietnamese people has something of the bitter irony of the plebeians
cheering on the gladiators in the Roman Circus. To wish the victim success
is not enough; one must share his fate. One must join him in death or in
victory.
When we analyze the isolation of the Vietnamese we are
overcome by anguish at this illogical moment in the history of humanity.
U.S. imperialism is guilty of aggression. Its crimes are immense,
extending over the whole world. We know this, gentlemen! But also guilty
are those who at the decisive moment hesitated to make Vietnam an
inviolable part of socialist territory — yes, at the risk of a war of
global scale, but also compelling the U.S. imperialists to make a
decision. And also guilty are those who persist in a war of insults and
tripping each other up, begun quite some time ago by the representatives
of the two biggest powers in the socialist camp.
Let us ask, seeking an honest answer: Is Vietnam
isolated or not, as it tries to maintain a dangerous balancing act between
the two quarrelling powers?
And what greatness has been shown by this people! What
a stoic and courageous people! And what a lesson for the world their
struggle holds.
It will be a long time before we know if President
Johnson ever seriously intended to initiate some of the reforms needed by
his people — to sandpaper the class contradictions that are appearing
with explosive force and mounting frequency. What is certain is that the
improvements announced under the pompous tide of the Great Society have
gone down the drain in Vietnam. The greatest of the imperialist powers is
feeling in its own bowels the bleeding inflicted by a poor, backward
country; its fabulous economy is strained by the war effort. Killing has
ceased to be the most comfortable business for the monopolies.
Defensive weapons, and not in sufficient number, are
all these marvelous Vietnamese soldiers have besides love for their
country, for their society, and a courage that stands up to all tests. But
imperialism is bogged down in Vietnam. It sees no way out and is searching
desperately for one that will permit it to emerge with dignity from the
dangerous situation in which it finds itself. The “four points” put
forward by the North and the “five” by the South have it caught in a
pincers, however, making the confrontation still more decisive.
Everything seems to indicate that peace, the precarious
peace that bears that name only because no global conflagration has
occurred, is again in danger of being broken by some irreversible and
unacceptable step taken by the United States.
What is the role that we, the exploited of the world,
must play.
The peoples of three continents are watching and
learning a lesson for themselves in Vietnam. Since the imperialists are
using the threat of war to blackmail humanity, the correct response is not
to fear war. Attack hard and without letup at every point of confrontation
— that must be the general tactic of the peoples.
But in those places where this miserable peace that we
endure has not been broken, what shall our task be?
To liberate ourselves at any price.
The world panorama is one of great complexity. The task
of winning liberation still lies ahead even for some countries of old
Europe, sufficiently developed to experience all the contradictions of
capitalism, but so weak that they can no longer follow the course of
imperialism or embark on that road. In those countries the contradictions
will become explosive in the coming years. But their problems, and hence
their solutions, are different from those facing our dependent and
economically backward peoples.
The fundamental field of imperialist exploitation
covers the three backward continents — Latin America, Asia and Africa.
Each country has its own characteristics, but the continents, as a whole,
have their own as well.
Latin America constitutes a more or less homogeneous
whole, and in almost its entire territory U.S. monopoly capital holds
absolute primacy. The puppet or — in the best of cases — weak and
timid governments are unable to resist the orders of the Yankee master.
The United States has reached virtually the pinnacle of its political and
economic domination. There is little room left for it to advance; any
change in the situation could turn into a step backward from its primacy.
Its policy is to maintain its conquests. The course of action is reduced
at the present time to the brutal use of force to prevent liberation
movements of any kind.
Behind the slogan “We will not permit another Cuba”
hides the possibility of cowardly acts of aggression they can get away
with — such as the one against the Dominican Republic; or, before that,
the massacre in Panama and the clear warning that Yankee troops are ready
to intervene anywhere in Latin America where a change in the established
order endangers their interests. This policy enjoys almost absolute
impunity. The OAS is a convenient mask, no matter how discredited it is.
The UN’s ineffectiveness borders on the ridiculous or the tragic. The
armies of all the countries of Latin America are ready to intervene to
crush their own people. What has been formed, in fact, is the
International of Crime and Betrayal.
On the other hand, the indigenous bourgeoisies have
lost all capacity to oppose imperialism — if they ever had any — and
are only dragged along behind it like a caboose. There are no other
alternatives. Either a socialist revolution or a caricature of revolution.
Asia is a continent with different characteristics. The
liberation struggles against a series of European colonial powers resulted
in the establishment of more or less progressive governments, whose
subsequent evolution has in some cases deepened the main objectives of
national liberation, and in others reverted toward pro-imperialist
positions.
From the economic point of view, the United States had
little to lose and much to gain in Asia. Changes work to its favor; it is
struggling to displace other neocolonial powers, to penetrate new spheres
of action in the economic field, sometimes directly, sometimes utilizing
Japan.
But special political conditions exist there, above all
in the Indochinese peninsula, that give Asia characteristics of major
importance and that play an important role in the global military strategy
of U.S. imperialism. The latter is imposing a blockade around China
utilizing South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, South Vietnam and Thailand, at a
minimum.
This dual situation — a strategic interest as
important as the military blockade of the People’s Republic of China,
and the ambition of U.S. capital to penetrate those big markets it does
not yet dominate — makes Asia one of the most explosive places in the
world today, despite the apparent stability outside of the Vietnamese
area.
Belonging geographically to this continent, but with
its own contradictions, the Middle East is at the boiling point. It is not
possible to foresee what the Cold War between Israel, which is backed by
the imperialists, and the progressive countries of this region will lead
to. It is another one of the threatening volcanoes in the world.
Africa appears almost like virgin territory for
neocolonial invasion. Changes have occurred that, to a certain degree,
have compelled the neocolonial powers to give up their former absolute
prerogatives. But when the processes continue without interruption to
their conclusion, colonialism gives way without violence to a
neocolonialism, with the same consequences in regard to economic
domination.
The United States did not have colonies in this region
and is now struggling to penetrate its partners’ old private preserves.
It can be said with certainty that Africa constitutes a long-term
reservoir in the strategic plans of U.S. imperialism. Its current
investments there are of importance only in the Union of South Africa, and
it is beginning its penetration of the Congo, Nigeria and other countries,
where a violent competition is opening up (of a peaceful nature up to now)
with other imperialist powers. It does not yet have big interests to
defend except its alleged right to intervene any place on the globe where
its monopolies smell good profits or the existence of big reserves of raw
materials. All this background makes it legitimate to pose a question
about the possibilities for the liberation of the peoples in the short or
medium term.
If we analyze Africa, we see that there are struggles
of some intensity in the Portuguese colonies of Guinea, Mozambique and
Angola, with particular success in Guinea and varying successes in the
other two. We are also still witnessing a struggle between Lumumba’s
successors and the old accomplices of Tshombe in the Congo, a struggle
that appears at the moment to be leaning in favor of the latter, who have
“pacified” a big part of the country for their benefit, although war
remains latent.
In Rhodesia the problem is different: British
imperialism used all the means at its disposal to hand power over to the
white minority, which now holds it. The conflict, from England’s point
of view, is absolutely not official. This Western power, with its usual
diplomatic cleverness — in plain language also called hypocrisy —
presents a facade of displeasure with the measures adopted by the
government of Ian Smith. It is supported in this sly attitude by some
Commonwealth countries that follow it, but is attacked by a good number of
the countries of Black Africa, even those that are docile economic vassals
of British imperialism.
In Rhodesia the situation could become highly explosive
if the efforts of the Black patriots to rise up in arms were to
crystallize and if this movement were effectively supported by the
neighboring African nations. But for now all these problems are being
aired in bodies as innocuous as the UN, the Commonwealth or the
Organization of African Unity.
Nevertheless, the political and social evolution of
Africa does not lead us to foresee a continental revolutionary situation.
The liberation struggles against the Portuguese must end victoriously, but
Portugal signifies nothing on the imperialist roster. The confrontations
of revolutionary importance are those that put the whole imperialist
apparatus in check, although we will not for that reason cease struggling
for the liberation of the three Portuguese colonies and for the deepening
of their revolutions.
When the Black masses of South Africa or Rhodesia begin
their genuine revolutionary struggle, a new era will have opened in
Africa. Or, when the impoverished masses of a country set out against the
ruling oligarchies to conquer their right to a decent life. Up to now
there has been a succession of barracks coups, in which one group of
officers replaces another or replaces a ruler who no longer serves their
caste interests and those of the powers that control them behind the
scenes. But there have been no popular upheavals. In the Congo these
characteristics were fleetingly present, inspired by the memory of Lumumba,
but they have been losing strength in recent months.
In Asia, as we have seen, the situation is explosive.
Vietnam and Laos, where the struggle is now going on, are not the only
points of friction. The same holds true for Cambodia, where at any moment
the United States might launch a direct attack. We should add Thailand,
Malaysia and, of course, Indonesia, where we cannot believe that the final
word has been spoken despite the annihilation of the Communist Party of
that country after the reactionaries took power. And, of course, the
Middle East.
In Latin America, the struggle is going on arms in hand
in Guatemala, Colombia, Venezuela and Bolivia, and the first outbreaks are
already beginning in Brazil. Other centers of resistance have appeared and
been extinguished. But almost all the countries of this continent are ripe
for a struggle of the kind that, to be triumphant, cannot settle for
anything less than the establishment of a government of a socialist
nature.
In this continent virtually only one language is spoken
save for the exceptional case of Brazil, with whose people
Spanish-speakers can communicate in view of the similarity between the two
languages. There is such a similarity between the classes in these
countries that they have an “international American” type of
identification, much more so than in other continents. Language, customs,
religion, a common master, unite them. The degree and forms of
exploitation are similar in their effects for exploiters and exploited in
a good number of countries of our America. And within it rebellion is
ripening at an accelerated rate.
We may ask: This rebellion — how will it bear fruit?
What kind of rebellion will it be? We have maintained for some time that
given its similar characteristics, the struggle in Latin America will in
due time acquire continental dimensions. It will be the scene of many
great battles waged by humanity for its own liberation.
In the framework of this struggle of continental scope,
those that are currently being carried on in an active way are only
episodes. But they have already provided martyrs who will figure in the
history of the Americas as having given their necessary quota of blood for
this final stage in the struggle for the full freedom of humanity. There
are the names of Commander Turcios Lima, the priest Camilo Torres,
Commander Fabricio Ojeda, the Commanders Lobatón and Luis de la Puente
Uceda, central figures in the revolutionary movements of Guatemala,
Colombia, Venezuela and Peru.
But the active mobilization of the people creates its
new leaders — César Montes and Yon Sosa are raising the banner in
Guatemala; Fabio Vázquez and Marulanda are doing it in Colombia; Douglas
Bravo in the western part of the country and Américo Martín in El
Bachiller are leading their respective fronts in Venezuela.
New outbreaks of war will appear in these and other
Latin American countries, as has already occurred in Bolivia. And they
will continue to grow, with all the vicissitudes involved in this
dangerous occupation of the modern revolutionist. Many will die, victims
of their own errors; others will fall in the difficult combat to come; new
fighters and new leaders will arise in the heat of the revolutionary
struggle. The people will create their fighters and their leaders along
the way in the selective framework of the war itself.
The Yankee agents of repression will increase in
number. Today there are advisers in all countries where armed struggle is
going on. It seems that the Peruvian army, also advised and trained by the
Yankees, carried out a successful attack on the revolutionists of that
country. But if the guerrilla centers are led with sufficient political
and military skill, they will become practically unbeatable and will make
necessary new reinforcements by the Yankees. In Peru itself, with tenacity
and firmness, new figures, although not yet fully known, are reorganizing
the guerrilla struggle.
Little by little, the obsolete weapons that suffice to
repress the small armed bands will turn into modern weapons, and the
groups of advisers into U.S. combatants, until at a certain point they
find themselves obliged to send growing numbers of regular troops to
secure the relative stability of a power whose national puppet army is
disintegrating in the face of the guerrillas’ struggles.
This is the road of Vietnam. It is the road that the
peoples must follow. It is the road that Latin America will follow, with
the special feature that the armed groups might establish something such
as coordinating committees to make the repressive tasks of Yankee
imperialism more difficult and to help their own cause.
Latin America, a continent forgotten in the recent
political struggles for liberation, is beginning to make itself felt
through the Tricontinental in the voice of the vanguard of its peoples:
the Cuban revolution. Latin America will have a much more important task:
the creation of the world’s second or third Vietnam, or second and third
Vietnam.
We must definitely keep in mind that imperialism is a
world system, the final stage of capitalism, and that it must be beaten in
a great worldwide confrontation. The strategic objective of that struggle
must be the destruction of imperialism.
The contribution that falls to us, the exploited and
backward of the world, is to eliminate the foundations sustaining
imperialism: our oppressed nations, from which capital, raw materials and
cheap labor (both workers and technicians) are extracted, and to which new
capital (tools of domination), arms and all kinds of goods are exported,
sinking us into absolute dependence. The fundamental element of that
strategic objective, then, will be the real liberation of the peoples, a
liberation that will be the result of armed struggle in the majority of
cases, and that, in Latin America, will almost unfailingly turn into a
socialist revolution.
In focusing on the destruction of imperialism, it is
necessary to identify its head, which is none other than the United States
of North America.
We must carry out a task of a general kind, the
tactical aim of which is to draw the enemy out of his environment,
compelling him to fight in places where his living habits clash with
existing conditions. The adversary must not be underestimated; the U.S.
soldier has technical ability and is backed by means of such magnitude as
to make him formidable. What he lacks essentially is the ideological
motivation, which his most hated rivals of today — the Vietnamese
soldiers — have to the highest degree. We will be able to triumph over
this army only to the extent that we succeed in undermining its morale.
And this is done by inflicting defeats on it and causing it repeated
sufferings.
But this brief outline for victories entails immense
sacrifices by the peoples — sacrifices that must be demanded starting
right now, in the light of day, and that will perhaps be less painful than
those they would have to endure if we constantly avoided battle in an
effort to get others to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for us.
Clearly, the last country to free itself will very
probably do so without an armed struggle, and its people will be spared
the suffering of a long war as cruel as imperialist wars are. But it may
be impossible to avoid this struggle or its effects in a conflict of
worldwide character, and the suffering may be as much or greater. We
cannot predict the future, but we must never give way to the cowardly
temptation to be the standard-bearers of a people who yearn for freedom
but renounce the struggle that goes with it, and who wait as if expecting
it to come as the crumbs of victory.
It is absolutely correct to avoid any needless
sacrifice. That is why it is so important to be clear on the real
possibilities that dependent Latin America has to free itself in a
peaceful way. For us the answer to this question is clear: now may or may
not be the right moment to start the struggle, but we can have no
illusions, nor do we have a right to believe, that freedom can be won
without a fight.
And the battles will not be mere street fights with
stones against tear gas, nor peaceful general strikes. Nor will it be the
struggle of an infuriated people that destroys the repressive apparatus of
the ruling oligarchies in two or three days. It will be a long, bloody
struggle in which the front will be in guerrilla refuges in the cities, in
the homes of the combatants (where the repression will go seeking easy
victims among their families), among the massacred peasant population, in
the towns or cities destroyed by the enemy’s bombs.
We are being pushed into this struggle. It cannot be
remedied other than by preparing for it and deciding to undertake it.
The beginning will not be easy; it will be extremely
difficult. All the oligarchies’ repressive capacity, all its capacity
for demagogy and brutality will be placed in the service of its cause.
Our mission, in the first hour, is to survive; then, to
act, the perennial example of the guerrilla carrying on armed propaganda
in the Vietnamese meaning of the term, that is, the propaganda of bullets,
of battles that are won or lost — but that are waged — against the
enemy.
The great lesson of the guerrillas’ invincibility is
taking hold among the masses of the dispossessed. The galvanization of the
national spirit; the preparation for more difficult tasks, for resistance
to more violent repression. Hate as a factor in the struggle, intransigent
hatred for the enemy that takes one beyond the natural limitations of a
human being and converts one into an effective, violent, selective, cold,
killing machine. Our soldiers must be like that; a people without hate
cannot triumph over a brutal enemy.
We must carry the war as far as the enemy carries it:
into his home, into his places of recreation, make it total. He must be
prevented from having a moment’s peace, a moment’s quiet outside the
barracks and even inside them. Attack him wherever he may be; make him
feel like a hunted animal wherever he goes. Then his morale will begin to
decline. He will become even more bestial, but the signs of the coming
decline will appear.
And let us develop genuine proletarian
internationalism, with international proletarian armies. Let the flag
under which we fight be the sacred cause of the liberation of humanity, so
that to die under the colors of Vietnam, Venezuela, Guatemala, Laos,
Guinea, Colombia, Bolivia, Brazil — to mention only the current scenes
of armed struggle — will be equally glorious and desirable for a Latin
American, an Asian, an African and even a European.
Every drop of blood spilled in a land under whose flag
one was not born is experience gathered by the survivor to be applied
later in the struggle for liberation of one’s own country. And every
people that liberates itself is a step in the battle for the liberation of
one’s own people.
It is time to moderate our disputes and place
everything at the service of the struggle.
That big controversies are agitating the world that is
struggling for freedom, all of us know; we cannot hide that. That these
controversies have acquired a character and a sharpness that make dialogue
and reconciliation appear extremely difficult, if not impossible, we know
that too. To seek ways to initiate a dialogue avoided by those in dispute
is a useless task.
But the enemy is there, it strikes day after day and
threatens new blows, and these blows will unite us today, tomorrow, or the
next day. Whoever understands this first and prepares this necessary unity
will win the peoples’ gratitude.
In view of the virulence and intransigence with which
each side argues its case, we, the dispossessed, cannot agree with either
way these differences are expressed, even when we agree with some of the
positions of one or the other side, or when we agree more with the
positions of one or the other side. In this time of struggle, the way in
which the current differences have been aired is a weakness. But given the
situation, it is an illusion to think that the matter can be resolved
through words. History will either sweep away these disputes or pass its
final judgment on them.
In our world in struggle, everything related to disputes around tactics
and methods of action for the attainment of limited objectives must be
analyzed with the respect due others’ opinions. As for the great
strategic objective — the total destruction of imperialism by means of
struggle — on that we must be intransigent.
Let us sum up as follows our aspirations for victory. Destruction of
imperialism by means of eliminating its strongest bulwark: the imperialist
domination of the United States of North America. To take as a tactical
line the gradual liberation of the peoples, one by one or in groups,
involving the enemy in a difficult struggle outside his terrain;
destroying his bases of support, that is, his dependent territories.
This means a long war. And, we repeat once again, a cruel war. Let no one
deceive himself when he sets out to begin, and let no one hesitate to
begin out of fear of the results it can bring upon his own people. It is
almost the only hope for victory.
We cannot evade the call of the hour. Vietnam teaches
us this with its permanent lesson in heroism, its tragic daily lesson of
struggle and death in order to gain the final victory.
Over there, the soldiers of imperialism encounter the
discomforts of those who, accustomed to the standard of living that the
United States boasts, have to confront a hostile land; the insecurity of
those who cannot move without feeling that they are stepping on enemy
territory; death for those who go outside of fortified compounds; the
permanent hostility of the entire population. All this is provoking
repercussions inside the United States. It is leading to the appearance of
a factor that was attenuated by imperialism at full strength: the class
struggle inside its own territory.
How close and bright would the future appear if two,
three, many Vietnams flowered on the face of the globe, with their quota
of death and their immense tragedies, with their daily heroism, with their
repeated blows against imperialism, forcing it to disperse its forces
under the lash of the growing hatred of the peoples of the world!
And if we were all capable of uniting in order to give
our blows greater solidity and certainty, so that the aid of all kinds to
the peoples in struggle was even more effective — how great the future
would be, and how near!
If we, on a small point on the map of the world,
fulfill our duty and place at the disposal of the struggle whatever little
we are able to give — our lives, our sacrifice — it can happen that
one of these days we will draw our last breath on a bit of earth not our
own, yet already ours, watered with our blood. Let it be known that we
have measured the scope of our acts and that we consider ourselves no more
than a part of the great army of the proletariat. But we feel proud at
having learned from the Cuban revolution and from its great main leader
the great lesson to be drawn from its position in this part of the world:
“Of what difference are the dangers to a man or a people, or the
sacrifices they make, when what is at stake is the destiny of humanity?”
Our every action is a battle cry against imperialism
and a call for the unity of the peoples against the great enemy of the
human race: the United States of North America.
Wherever death may surprise us, let it be welcome if
our battle cry has reached even one receptive ear, if another hand reaches
out to take up our arms, and other men come forward to join in our funeral
dirge with the rattling of machine guns and with new cries of battle and
victory.
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Republic of Cuba
