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Vo Nguyen Giap
See also: "A people and a culture won through (30-4-2000)".
   

When a new Nation was born

(VNS, 2000)

  

General Vo Nguyen Giap, the former Minister of National Defense and Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, was one of the first Ministers of the Vietnamese Government. In the Provisional Government, who presented themselves at Ba Něnh Square in Hanoi on September 2, 1945, Giap was Minister of the Interior. His memoir, Unforgettable Days, dwelt on the first meeting of that Provisional Government and covered, variously, the August Revolution of 1945, and the Nationwide Anti-French Resistance Day of December 1946. It was part of the history of what is now the modern Vietnam. 

   

September 2,1945

Hanoi was bedecked with red bunting. A sea of flags, lanterns and flowers. Fluttering red flags adorned the roofs, the trees and the lakes. Streamers were hung across streets and roads, bearing slogans in Vietnamese, French, English, Chinese and Russian: "Vietnam for the Vietnamese", "Down with French Colonialism", "Independence or Death", "Support the Provisional Government", "Support President Ho Chi Minh", "Welcome to the Allied Mission."

Factories and shops, big and small, were closed down. Markets were deserted. All trade and industrial activities in the city were suspended. The whole city, old and young, men and women, took to the streets. Everyone felt that they should attend the first great festival of the nation.

Multi-colored streams of people flowed to Ba Něnh Square from all directions. Workers in white shirts and blue trousers came in ranks, full of strength and confidence. Ordinary working people arrived at the festival with the dignified bearing of people who were masters of their own country and their own destinies.

Hundreds of thousands of peasants came in from the city suburbs. People’s militiamen carried quarter staffs, swords or scimitars. Some even carried old-style bronze clubs and long-handles swords taken from the armories of temples. Among the women peasants in their festive dresses, some were clad in old-fashioned robes, yellow turbans and bright-green sashes. Never before had peasants from the poor villages around Hanoi walked into the city with such pride.

Old men wore solemn faces while young girls were radiant in their colorful dresses. Most lively were the children. From this day on, they were the young masters of an independent country. They marched in step with the whistle blows of their leaders, singing Revolutionary songs.

Buddhist bonzes and Catholic priests also left their monasteries to attend the great National Festival.

The autumn sun was shining brightly the day when Ba Něnh Square made history. The guard of honor stood at attention around the newly-erected rostrum. The Liberation Army fighters, who had followed Military Order No.1 of the Insurrection Committee a few days earlier, to march south and "attack the important towns and cities held by the enemy", were now standing side by side with the self-defense units of the workers, youth and laboring people of the capital to defend the Provisional Government.

After long years of exile and wandering in the world, sentenced to death by the French imperialists, subjected to all sorts of privations and hardships in dozens of jails, Uncle Ho was now back and making his first appearance before a million countrymen. Not long before, this had been only a dream.

The name Ho Chi Minh was soon to be known all over the world and surrounded with the legendary anecdotes which often accompany great men. But on that day, his name was still unfamiliar to his people. Few of them knew that he was Nguyen Aui Quoac.

Our great leader, now President Ho Chi Minh, the head of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam appeared for the first time before his people – a thin old man with a broad forehead, bright eyes and a sparse beard, wearing an old hat, a high-collared khaki jacket and white rubber sandals. A couple of days before, the problem had arisen as to what he should wear for the occasion. He eventually chose the khaki suit. During the next 24 years as President, on great national days as well as on visits to foreign countries, he always appeared in this simple, unchanging outfit: a plain suit, without any decorations, as on that occasion when he first stood before his people.

He had a lively gait, which surprised some people. They did not find in the President the stately bearing of high-born people. His voice carried the accent of his rural area in central Nghe An Province.

His speech was quiet, warm, articulate and clear. There was none of the eloquence so often heard on solemn occasions. But its very simplicity suggested deep feelings and determination. Everything he said was full of vitality; every sentence, every word went straight to people’s hearts.

In the middle of the Declaration of Independence, Uncle Ho stopped and asked suddenly, "Do you hear me clearly, fellow-countrymen?"

The million voices thundered: "Yes... !"

From that moment on, he and the sea of people were merged into one.

That was the Declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, which had just won back independence after a national struggle lasting 80 years. It was also the heartfelt and touching declaration of the most conscious vanguard of the most revolutionary class, many of whom, absolutely loyal to the interests of the class and the nation, had fearlessly faced the guillotine or the firing squad shouting: "Long live the independence of Vietnam" while they tore away their black blindfolds.

The ceremony concluded with the Oath of Independence:

"We, the entire Vietnamese people, swear to give resolute and wholehearted support to the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and President Ho Chi Minh.

"We swear to join the Government in safeguarding the full independence of the Fatherland, to oppose any scheme of aggression, even at the cost of our lives.

"If the French should invade our country once more, we swear that we will neither serve in their army, work for them, sell them food nor act as guides for them."

People took the oath with once voice – a voice which expressed the resolve of the whole people to carry out what President Ho had just read in the conclusion of the Declaration:
"Vietnam has the right to enjoy freedom and independence and has in fact become a free and independent country. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilize all their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to safeguard their freedom and independence."

The Indictment of French Colonization had been written 30 years before. But only now was the French colonial regime being brought to public trial by the entire Vietnamese people.

A new chapter of history had been turned. A new era had begun: one of Independence, Freedom and Happiness.

The map of the world would have to be redrawn for a new State had been born: the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.

Together with the general uprising which had taken place during the later part of August, Independence Day, September 2nd, were days of extremely great significance in the nation’s political and spiritual life.

President Ho’s concern of 30 years before – "Poor Indochina! You will perish if your senile youth do not come back to life soon" – weighed no longer on his mind. The whole nation had come back to life.

Independence and freedom had come to every citizen. Everyone could realize their sacred value and knew his responsibility to defend them. Difficulties lay ahead. But for the imperialists who wanted to restore their lost paradise, things would not be so easy either.

 

September 3, 1945

On the morning of September 3, the day following the presentation ceremony, the Provisional Government met for the first time.

The meeting was at the residence of the former French Resident Superior for Tonkin, an impressive building with a green-painted iron fence. On this occasion, the gate under the archway stood wide open to welcome the people’s representatives. Two weeks earlier, the people of Hanoi, up in arms, had crowded in front of it; despite the guards’ guns, an old worker had clambered over the fence and onto the roof, pulled down the three-striped puppet flag and hoisted the Golden Star on a red field of the revolution.

The conference room on the first floor was bare with no flowers on the table. The representatives of the new regime realized that the task they were tackling was by no means easy. Never did Lenin’s teaching seem so meaningful: "It is difficult to seize power, but still more difficult to keep it."

Eighty years of French domination had ruthlessly ground the people down. During the years of the Second World War, the Japanese had joined the French in exploiting us and both had vied with each other in bleeding our people. More than one million peasants had died of starvation amidst lush green rice fields. Nearly a million more died after the harvest. Then floods came and we were again faced with the threat of starvation. The peasants, who had found new life through the miraculous power of their reconquered freedom and independence, could not endure indefinitely on an empty stomach.

The legacy left by the colonialists was pitiful: a few empty buildings, but neither rice nor money. Pitiful also was the cultural inheritance: a 90 per cent illiteracy rate, the result of an obscurantist policy more concerned with building prisons than schools.

However, worse was to come. Foreign troops were pouring in from all directions. They differed from each other only by the color of their skins and their languages, but they shared a common eagerness to reconquer our country and drive us back to slavery.

Punctual as ever, President Ho Chi Minh entered from an adjoining room wearing indigo-dyed canvas shoes he had brought with him from the highlands. They had been offered to him by some Nung people who had sewn them themselves. He was to wear them on many occasions, even when receiving foreign guests. Uncle Ho briskly went to the table and with a wave of his arm, invited the representatives to sit down.

There was no opening speech. Uncle Ho drew from his pocket a slip of paper on which he had put down a few notes. Breaking with formality he went straight to the heart of the matter.

"Dear elders, dear friends,

"After 80 years of oppression, exploitation and obscurantism by the French colonialists, none of us has acquired any administrative skill. But we should not let this worry us. We shall learn while working. Mistakes may happen but we’ll correct them. We will have the courage to do it.

"Thanks to our deep love for the Fatherland and the people, I am sure that we shall succeed.

"What are our most pressing problems at the moment? In my opinion, there are six of them... "

With straightforward simplicity, Uncle Ho laid before the Council of Ministers the most urgent future tasks:

  • To launch a production drive to fight famine. While waiting for the maize and sweet potato crop to be brought in in three or four months’ time, start a food-collecting campaign. Everyone will fast once every ten days and the rice saved will be distributed to the poor;

  • To launch a fight against illiteracy;

  • To hold general elections with universal suffrage as soon as possible, so as to enable the people to exercise their democratic liberties;

  • To start a movement for industry, thrift, integrity and uprightness in order to eradicate the bad habits and practices left by colonialism;

  • To immediately abolish poll-tax, market tax and ferry tax, and strictly forbid opium smoking;

  • To proclaim freedom of religious beliefs and unity between non-Catholics and Catholics.

It took the President half an hour to expound on all these problems. The difficult and complex problems left by 80 years of French domination, matters of vital importance to the nation, were briefly and clearly dealt with by President Ho, who pointed out the directions to follow and occasionally the practical measures to be put into effect. Those who had had the chance of working with him before at once recognized his familiar style.

After discussing the questions raised by Uncle Ho, all the ministers gave their enthusiastic approval. Many of the ideas put forward by him at the very first meeting of the Provisional Government have remained major Party and State policies to this day.

The meeting went on until the end of the morning. The atmosphere of simplicity and cordiality pervading it deeply impressed all those who were meeting Uncle Ho for the first time.